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On August 29, 2005, Hurricane Katrina made landfall near New
Orleans leaving death and destruction across the Louisiana,
Mississippi, and Alabama Gulf Coast counties. The lethargic and
inept emergency response that followed exposed institutional flaws,
poor planning, and false assumptions that are built into the
emergency response and homeland security plans and programs.
Questions linger: What went wrong? Can it happen again? Is our
government equipped to plan for, mitigate, respond to, and recover
from natural and manmade disasters? Can the public trust government
response to be fair? Does race matter? Racial disparities exist in
disaster response, cleanup, rebuilding, reconstruction, and
recovery. Race plays out in natural disaster survivors' ability to
rebuild, replace infrastructure, obtain loans, and locate temporary
and permanent housing. Generally, low-income and people of color
disaster victims spend more time in temporary housing, shelters,
trailers, mobile homes, and hotels - and are more vulnerable to
permanent displacement. Some 'temporary' homes have not proved to
be that temporary. In exploring the geography of vulnerability,
this book asks why some communities get left behind economically,
spatially, and physically before and after disasters strike.
This book provides the major economic, social, and psychological
impacts associated with the siting of noxious facilities and their
significance in mobilizing the African American community. It
explores the barriers to environmental and social justice
experienced by African Americans.
When the images of desperate, hungry, thirsty, sick, mostly black
people circulated in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, it became
apparent to the whole country that race did indeed matter when it
came to government assistance. In The Wrong Complexion for
Protection, Robert D. Bullard and Beverly Wright place the
government response to natural and human-induced disasters in
historical context over the past eight decades. They compare and
contrast how the government responded to emergencies, including
environmental and public health emergencies, toxic contamination,
industrial accidents, bioterrorism threats and show that African
Americans are disproportionately affected. Bullard and Wright argue
that uncovering and eliminating disparate disaster response can
mean the difference between life and death for those most
vulnerable in disastrous times.
Environmental activists and academics alike are realizing that a
sustainable society must be a just one. Environmental degradation
is almost always linked to questions of human equality and quality
of life. Throughout the world, those segments of the population
that have the least political power and are the most marginalized
are "selectively victimized" by environmental crises This book
argues that social and environmental justice within and between
nations should be an integral part of the policies and agreements
that promote sustainable development. The book addresses the links
between environmental quality and human equality and between
sustainability and environmental justice. The topics discussed
include: anthropocentrism; biotechnology; bioprospecting;
biocultural assimilation; deep and radical ecology; ecological
debt; ecological democracy; ecological footprints; ecological
modernization; feminism and gender; globalization; participatory
research; place, identity and legal rights; precaution; risk
society; selective victimization; and valuation.
To be poor, working-class, or a person of color in the United
States often means bearing a disproportionate share of the
country's environmental problems. Starting with the premise that
all Americans have a basic right to live in a healthy environment,
"Dumping in Dixie" chronicles the efforts of five African American
communities, empowered by the civil rights movement, to link
environmentalism with issues of social justice. In the third
edition, Bullard speaks to us from the front lines of the
environmental justice movement about new developments in
environmental racism, different organizing strategies, and success
stories in the struggle for environmental equity.
On August 29, 2005, Hurricane Katrina made landfall near New
Orleans leaving death and destruction across the Louisiana,
Mississippi, and Alabama Gulf Coast counties. The lethargic and
inept emergency response that followed exposed institutional flaws,
poor planning, and false assumptions that are built into the
emergency response and homeland security plans and programs.
Questions linger: What went wrong? Can it happen again? Is our
government equipped to plan for, mitigate, respond to, and recover
from natural and manmade disasters? Can the public trust government
response to be fair? Does race matter? Racial disparities exist in
disaster response, cleanup, rebuilding, reconstruction, and
recovery. Race plays out in natural disaster survivors' ability to
rebuild, replace infrastructure, obtain loans, and locate temporary
and permanent housing. Generally, low-income and people of color
disaster victims spend more time in temporary housing, shelters,
trailers, mobile homes, and hotels--and are more vulnerable to
permanent displacement. Some "temporary" homes have not proved to
be that temporary. In exploring the geography of vulnerability,
this book asks why some communities get left behind economically,
spatially, and physically "before" and "after" disasters strike.
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font-family: "Times New Roman";} When the images of desperate,
hungry, thirsty, sick, mostly black people circulated in the
aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, it became apparent to the whole
country that race did indeed matter when it came to government
assistance. In The Wrong Complexion for Protection, Robert D.
Bullard and Beverly Wright place the government response to natural
and human-induced disasters in historical context over the past
eight decades. They compare and contrast how the government
responded to emergencies, including environmental and public health
emergencies, toxic contamination, industrial accidents,
bioterrorism threats and show that African Americans are
disproportionately affected. Bullard and Wright argue that
uncovering and eliminating disparate disaster response can mean the
difference between life and death for those most vulnerable in
disastrous times.
Houston was Boomtown USA in the 1970s, growing through tremendous
immigration of people and through frequent annexation of outlying
areas. But in the shadow of the high-rise "petropolis" was another
city ignored by and invisible to Houston municipal boosters and the
national media. Black Houston, the largest black community in the
South, remained largely untouched by the benefits of the boom but
bore many of the burdens.
Robert D. Bullard systematically explores major demographic,
social, economic, and political factors that helped make Houston
the "golden buckle" of the Sunbelt. He then chronicles the rise of
Houston's black neighborhoods and analyzes the problems that have
accrued to the black community over the years, concentrating on the
boom era of the 1970s and the dwindling of the economy and of
government commitment to affirmative action in the late 1980s. Case
studies conducted in Houston's Third Ward--a microcosm of the
larger black community--provide data on housing patterns,
discrimination, pollution, law enforcement, and leadership, issues
that the author discusses and relates to the larger ones of
institutional racism, poverty, and politics.
During Houston's rapid growth, freeways were built over black
neighborhoods and municipal services were stretched away from the
inner city and poverty pockets to the new, far-flung, and mostly
white city limits. Businesses thrived, but many jobs called for
advanced education and skills, while black youth still suffered
from inadequate schools, inexperienced teachers, and, later,
unemployment rates nearly double those of whites. When the
oil-based economy collapsed in the early eighties, many blacks
again bore a heavier share of the burdens.
Invisible Houston describes the rich cultural history of the
South's largest black community and analyzes the contemporary
issues that offer the chance for black Houston to become visible to
itself, to the larger community, and to the nation.
This book brings together key essays that seek to make visible and
expand our understanding of the role of government (policies,
programs, and investments) in shaping cities and metropolitan
regions; the costs and consequences of uneven urban and regional
growth patterns; suburban sprawl and public health, transportation,
and economic development; and the enduring connection of place,
space, and race in the era of increased globalization. Whether
intended or unintended, many government policies (housing,
transportation, land use, environmental, economic development,
education, etc.) have aided and in some cases subsidized suburban
sprawl, job flight, and spatial mismatch; concentrated urban
poverty; and heightened racial and economic disparities. Written
mostly by African American scholars, the book captures the dynamism
of these meetings, describing the challenges facing cities,
suburbs, and metropolitan regions as they seek to address
continuing and emerging patterns of racial polarization in the
twenty-first century. The book clearly shows that the United States
entered the new millennium as one of the wealthiest and the most
powerful nations on earth. Yet amid this prosperity, our nation is
faced with some of the same challenges that confronted it at the
beginning of the twentieth century, including rising inequality in
income, wealth, and opportunity; economic restructuring;
immigration pressures and ethnic tension; and a widening gap
between "haves" and "have-nots." Clearly, race matters. Place also
matters. Where we live impacts the quality of our lives and chances
for the "good life."
This book brings together key essays that seek to make visible and
expand our understanding of the role of government (policies,
programs, and investments) in shaping cities and metropolitan
regions; the costs and consequences of uneven urban and regional
growth patterns; suburban sprawl and public health, transportation,
and economic development; and the enduring connection of place,
space, and race in the era of increased globalization. Whether
intended or unintended, many government policies (housing,
transportation, land use, environmental, economic development,
education, etc.) have aided and in some cases subsidized suburban
sprawl, job flight, and spatial mismatch; concentrated urban
poverty; and heightened racial and economic disparities. Written
mostly by African American scholars, the book captures the dynamism
of these meetings, describing the challenges facing cities,
suburbs, and metropolitan regions as they seek to address
continuing and emerging patterns of racial polarization in the
twenty-first century. The book clearly shows that the United States
entered the new millennium as one of the wealthiest and the most
powerful nations on earth. Yet amid this prosperity, our nation is
faced with some of the same challenges that confronted it at the
beginning of the twentieth century, including rising inequality in
income, wealth, and opportunity; economic restructuring;
immigration pressures and ethnic tension; and a widening gap
between 'haves' and 'have-nots.' Clearly, race matters. Place also
matters. Where we live impacts the quality of our lives and chances
for the 'good life.'
The smart growth movement aims to combat urban and suburban sprawl
by promoting livable communities based on pedestrian scale, diverse
populations, and mixed land use. But, as this book documents, smart
growth has largely failed to address issues of social equity and
environmental justice. Smart growth sometimes results in
gentrification and displacement of low- and moderate-income
families in existing neighborhoods, or transportation policies that
isolate low-income populations. "Growing Smarter" is one of the few
books to view smart growth from an environmental justice
perspective, examining the effect of the built environment on
access to economic opportunity and quality of life in American
cities and metropolitan regions. The contributors to "Growing
Smarter"--urban planners, sociologists, economists, educators,
lawyers, health professionals, and environmentalists--all place
equity at the center of their analyses of "place, space, and race."
They consider such topics as the social and environmental effects
of sprawl, the relationship between sprawl and concentrated
poverty, and community-based regionalism that can link cities and
suburbs. They examine specific cases that illustrate opportunities
for integrating environmental justice concerns into smart growth
efforts, including the dynamics of sprawl in a South Carolina
county, the debate over the rebuilding of New Orleans after
Hurricane Katrina, and transportation-related pollution in Northern
Manhattan. "Growing Smarter" illuminates the growing racial and
class divisions in metropolitan areas today--and suggests workable
strategies to address them. Contributors: Carl Anthony, Robert D.
Bullard, Don Chen, Daniel J. Hutch, Glenn S.Johnson, William A.
Johnson, Kimberly Morland, Myron Orfield, David A. Padgett, Manuel
Pastor, Jr., john a. powell, Swati Prakash, Thomas W. Sanchez,
Angel O. Torres, Maya Wiley, Steve Wing, James F. Wolf, and Beverly
Wright
Racial minorities in the United States are disproportionately
exposed to toxic wastes and other environmental hazards, and
cleanup efforts in their communities are slower and less thorough
than efforts elsewhere. Internationally, wealthy countries of the
North increasingly ship hazardous wastes to poorer countries of the
South, resulting in such tragedies as the disaster at Bhopal.
Through case studies that highlight the type of information that is
seldom reported in the news, Faces of Environmental Racism exposes
the type and magnitude of environmental racism, both domestic and
international. The essays explore the justice of current
environmental practices, asking such questions as whether
cost-benefit analysis is an appropriate analytic technique and
whether there are alternate routes to sustainable development in
the South. The second edition of this unique volume further
explores the ongoing problem of environmental racism. With a new
introduction and preface, and new chapters by such experts as
Charles W. Mills, Robert Melchior Figueroa, and Segun Gbadegesin,
the second edition of Faces of Environmental Racism carries on the
work of the first.
Racial minorities in the United States are disproportionately
exposed to toxic wastes and other environmental hazards, and
cleanup efforts in their communities are slower and less thorough
than efforts elsewhere. Internationally, wealthy countries of the
North increasingly ship hazardous wastes to poorer countries of the
South, resulting in such tragedies as the disaster at Bhopal.
Through case studies that highlight the type of information that is
seldom reported in the news, Faces of Environmental Racism exposes
the type and magnitude of environmental racism, both domestic and
international. The essays explore the justice of current
environmental practices, asking such questions as whether
cost-benefit analysis is an appropriate analytic technique and
whether there are alternate routes to sustainable development in
the South.
Dedicated to the struggling Third World people in America, ""In
Search of the New South"" explores the extent to which blacks have
shared in the growth and prosperity attributed to the area known as
the ""New South"". A timely analysis of the changes that have
occurred in the Old South, a broad belt that stretched from
Virginia to Texas, this volume focuses on case studies of six large
southern cities - Houston, New Orleans, Atlanta, Memphis,
Birmingham, and Tampa. Focusing specifically on the 1970s through
the mid-1980s, Bullard and his colleagues have delineated the
changes that have affected the black population in the South, as a
distinct part of the larger transformation of America, and they
challenge the reality of the ""New South"".
The story of how a mixed-income minority community in Louisiana's
Chemical Corridor fought Shell Oil and won. For years, the
residents of Diamond, Louisiana, lived with an inescapable acrid,
metallic smell-the "toxic bouquet" of pollution-and a mysterious
chemical fog that seeped into their houses. They looked out on the
massive Norco Industrial Complex: a maze of pipelines, stacks
topped by flares burning off excess gas, and huge oil tankers
moving up the Mississippi. They experienced headaches, stinging
eyes, allergies, asthma, and other respiratory problems, skin
disorders, and cancers that they were convinced were caused by
their proximity to heavy industry. Periodic industrial explosions
damaged their houses and killed some of their neighbors. Their
small, African-American, mixed-income neighborhood was sandwiched
between two giant Shell Oil plants in Louisiana's notorious
Chemical Corridor. When the residents of Diamond demanded that
Shell relocate them, their chances of success seemed slim: a
community with little political clout was taking on the
second-largest oil company in the world. And yet, after effective
grassroots organizing, unremitting fenceline protests, seemingly
endless negotiations with Shell officials, and intense media
coverage, the people of Diamond finally got what they wanted: money
from Shell to help them relocate out of harm's way. In this book,
Steve Lerner tells their story. Around the United States, struggles
for environmental justice such as the one in Diamond are the new
front lines of both the civil rights and the environmental
movements, and Diamond is in many ways a classic
environmental-justice story: a minority neighborhood, faced with a
polluting industry in its midst, fights back. But Diamond is also
the history of a black community that goes back to the days of
slavery. In 1811, Diamond (then the Trepagnier Plantation) was the
center of the largest slave rebellion in United States history.
Descendants of these slaves were among the participants in the
modern-day Diamond relocation campaign. Steve Lerner talks to the
people of Diamond, and lets them tell their story in their own
words. He talks also to the residents of a nearby white
neighborhood-many of whom work for Shell and have fewer complaints
about the plants-and to environmental activists and Shell
officials. His account of Diamond's 30-year ordeal puts a human
face on the struggle for environmental justice in the United
States.
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