The concept of rational expectations has played a hugely important role in economics over the years. Dealing with the origins and development of modern approaches to expectations in micro and macroeconomics, this book makes use of primary sources and previously unpublished material from such figures as Hicks, Hawtrey and Hart. The accounts of the 'founding fathers' of the models themselves are also presented here for the first time. The authors trace the development of different approaches to expectations from the likes of Hayek, Morgenstern, and Coase right up to more modern theorists such as Friedman, Patinkin, Phelps and Lucas. The startling conclusion that there was no 'Rational Expectations Revolution' is articulated, supported and defended with impressive clarity and authority. A necessity for economists across the world, this book will deserve its place upon many an academic bookshelf.

The concept of rational expectations has played a hugely important role in economics over the years. Dealing with the origins and development of modern approaches to expectations in micro and macroeconomics, this book makes use of primary sources and previously unpublished material from such figures as Hicks, Hawtrey and Hart. The accounts of the 'founding fathers' of the models themselves are also presented here for the first time. The authors trace the development of different approaches to expectations from the likes of Hayek, Morgenstern, and Coase right up to more modern theorists such as Friedman, Patinkin, Phelps and Lucas.

The startling conclusion that there was no 'Rational Expectations Revolution' is articulated, supported and defended with impressive clarity and authority. A necessity for economists across the world, this book will deserve its place upon many an academic bookshelf.

On 9 August 1974, Richard Nixon resigned to avoid impeachment; on 29 April 1975, the United States scuttled from their Embassy in Saigon - optics that were interpreted as defeats for the 'International Right'. Yet in 1975, Margaret Thatcher became leader of the Conservative Party; and in 1976 Ronald Reagan almost unseated a sitting Republican Party President. Pivotal to the 'turn to the Right' was Friedrich 'von' Hayek's 1974 Nobel Prize for Economic Science - awarded for having used Austrian Business Cycle Theory to predict the Great Depression: 'For him it is not a matter of a simple defence of a liberal system of society as may sometimes appear from the popularized versions of his thinking.' The evidence suggests that Hayek's fraudulent assertion was uncovered at the University of Chicago in the early 1930s - but not reported. The most likely explanation is self-censorship - for reasons of ideological correctness, fund raising and residual deference to the Second Estate. Four indirect tests suggest that 'free' market economists have - in other instances and presumably for fund-raising motives - suppressed embarrassing 'knowledge': which suggests that they were perfectly capable of suppressing 'knowledge' about Hayek's non-prediction of the Great Depression. With respect to the Nobel Prize and thus his ability to reach a wider audience, Hayek was fortune in having two loyal 'intermediaries': Lionel Robbins and Fritz Machlup who were - and probably felt themselves to be - 'socially' inferior to 'von' Hayek.

These two volumes present essays on the subdiscipline of Chicago Monetarism in economics. Some of the issues under dispute can be regarded as resolved, while others are still being debated. The contibutors include Friedman, Patinkin, Harry Johnson and James Tobin.

These two volumes present essays on the subdiscipline of Chicago Monetarism in economics. Some of the issues under dispute can be regarded as resolved, while others are still being debated. The contibutors include Friedman, Patinkin, Harry Johnson and James Tobin.

On 9 August 1974, Richard Nixon resigned to avoid impeachment; on 29 April 1975, the United States scuttled from their Embassy in Saigon - optics that were interpreted as defeats for the 'International Right'. Yet in 1975, Margaret Thatcher became leader of the Conservative Party; and in 1976 Ronald Reagan almost unseated a sitting Republican Party President. Pivotal to the 'turn to the Right' was Friedrich 'von' Hayek's 1974 Nobel Prize for Economic Science - awarded for having used Austrian Business Cycle Theory to predict the Great Depression: 'For him it is not a matter of a simple defence of a liberal system of society as may sometimes appear from the popularized versions of his thinking.' The evidence suggests that Hayek's fraudulent assertion was uncovered at the University of Chicago in the early 1930s - but not reported. The most likely explanation is self-censorship - for reasons of ideological correctness, fund raising and residual deference to the Second Estate. Four indirect tests suggest that 'free' market economists have - in other instances and presumably for fund-raising motives - suppressed embarrassing 'knowledge': which suggests that they were perfectly capable of suppressing 'knowledge' about Hayek's non-prediction of the Great Depression. With respect to the Nobel Prize and thus his ability to reach a wider audience, Hayek was fortune in having two loyal 'intermediaries': Lionel Robbins and Fritz Machlup who were - and probably felt themselves to be - 'socially' inferior to 'von' Hayek.

Hayek claimed that he always made it his rule 'not to be concerned with current politics, but to try to operate on public opinion.' However, evidence suggests that he was a party political operative with 'free' market scholarship being the vehicle through which he sought - and achieved - party political influence. The 'main purpose' of his Mont Pelerin Society had 'been wholly achieved'. Mises promoted 'Fascists' including Ludendorff and Hitler, and Hayekians promoted the Operation Condor military dictatorships and continue to maintain a 'united front' with 'neo-Nazis.' Hayek, who supported Pinochet's torture-based regime and played a promotional role in 'Dirty War' Argentina, is presented as a saintly figure. These chapters place 'free' market promotion in the context of the post-1965 neo-Fascist 'Strategy of Tension', and examine Hayek's role in the promotion of deflation that facilitated Hitler's rise to power; his proposal to relocate Gibraltarians across the frontier into 'Fascist' Spain; the Austrian revival of the 1970s; the role of (what was presented as) 'neutral academic data' on behalf of the 'International Right' and their efforts to promote Franz Josef Strauss and Ronald Reagan and defend apartheid and the Shah of Iran

Hayek claimed that he always made it his rule 'not to be concerned with current politics, but to try to operate on public opinion.' However, evidence suggests that he was a party political operative with 'free' market scholarship being the vehicle through which he sought - and achieved - party political influence. The 'main purpose' of his Mont Pelerin Society had 'been wholly achieved'. Mises promoted 'Fascists' including Ludendorff and Hitler, and Hayekians promoted the Operation Condor military dictatorships and continue to maintain a 'united front' with 'neo-Nazis.' Hayek, who supported Pinochet's torture-based regime and played a promotional role in 'Dirty War' Argentina, is presented as a saintly figure. These chapters place 'free' market promotion in the context of the post-1965 neo-Fascist 'Strategy of Tension', and examine Hayek's role in the promotion of deflation that facilitated Hitler's rise to power; his proposal to relocate Gibraltarians across the frontier into 'Fascist' Spain; the Austrian revival of the 1970s; the role of (what was presented as) 'neutral academic data' on behalf of the 'International Right' and their efforts to promote Franz Josef Strauss and Ronald Reagan and defend apartheid and the Shah of Iran

F.A. von Hayek (1899-1992) was a Nobel Prize winning economist, famous for promoting an Austrian version of classical liberalism. The multi-volume Hayek: A Collaborative Biography examines the evolution of his life and influence. Two concepts of civilization revolve around power - should it be separated or concentrated? Liberalism in the non-Austrian classical tradition remains fearful of power concentrated in the hands of government, labour unions or corporations; Red Terrorists sought to monopolize power to liquidate enemies and competitors as a prelude to utopia (the 'withering away of the State'); and behind the 'slogan of liberty,' White Terror promoters (Mises and Hayek) sought to concentrate power in the hands of a 'dictatorial democracy' where henchmen would liquidate enemies, and - 'guided' by 'utopia' (the 'spontaneous' order) - follow orders from their social superiors. This volume, Part XII, examines the 'free' market Use of Knowledge in Society; examines the foundations of 'free' market educational credentials; and asks whether those funded by the tobacco industry and the carbon lobby should be accorded 'independent policy expert' status.

This latest volume in the Collaborative Biography of Hayek examines the interconnectedness between Hayek's (1944) The Road to Serfdom and George Orwell's Animal Farm (1945) and Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949); his relationship with Karl Popper and Karl Polanyi; and the work of Wilhelm von Humboldt. Mises had a 'deep emotional attachment' to the 'free' market and Hayek believed that 'science' was driven by shallow emotions. Hayek believed in 'democracy as a system of peaceful change of government; but that's all its whole advantage is, no other.' He felt democracy simply made it possible to get rid of the government 'we' dislike. Hayek bemoaned the decay of superstition - the 'supporting moral beliefs' - that are required to maintain 'our' civilization. Yet his Road to Serfdom neglected 'another road to serfdom' - the possibility that there were multiple threats to individual freedom - not just State power. In contrast, many other scholars and public intellectual warned of the dangers of the concentration of power in institutions other than the State. Today those fears have materialized in the guise of wealthy mega-corporations and billionaires whose influence on government, on elections, on popular culture and on the dominant ideology, have been able to change the rules of the market in their favour - so that 'we' have now become trapped in a new kind of serfdom. With contributions from a range of highly regarded scholars, this volume continues the Biography's rich exploration of Hayek's work and beliefs.

Funded by the tobacco and fossil fuel industries, the Mises- and Hayek-inspired 'free' market has adopted 'The Slogan of Liberty' - but should their faith-based assertions be accorded the same epistemological status as a science? If Austrian economics is a branch of divinely revealed 'knowledge' - as the epigone Godfather, Hans Sennholz, insists - what validity do its policy recommendations have? Should those who falsely claim to have PhDs be tax-funded as 'Post-Doctoral Fellows' and 'Professors'? This volume examines the consequences of the 'free' market colonisation of economics - climate change, financial crises and the corruption of academic discourse

F.A. von Hayek (1899-1992) was a Nobel Prize winning economist, famous for promoting an Austrian version of classical liberalism. The multi-volume Hayek: A Collaborative Biography examines the evolution of his life and influence. Two concepts of civilization revolve around power - should it be separated or concentrated? Liberalism in the non-Austrian classical tradition remains fearful of power concentrated in the hands of government, labour unions or corporations; Red Terrorists sought to monopolize power to liquidate enemies and competitors as a prelude to utopia (the 'withering away of the State'); and behind the 'slogan of liberty,' White Terror promoters (Mises and Hayek) sought to concentrate power in the hands of a 'dictatorial democracy' where henchmen would liquidate enemies, and - 'guided' by 'utopia' (the 'spontaneous' order) - follow orders from their social superiors. This volume, Part XII, examines the 'free' market Use of Knowledge in Society; examines the foundations of 'free' market educational credentials; and asks whether those funded by the tobacco industry and the carbon lobby should be accorded 'independent policy expert' status.

This book is the seventh volume in this series which explores the life of Nobel Price-winning economist F.A. Hayek (1899-1992). The volume uses archival material, juxtaposed with Hayek's published work to challenge the existing perceptions of his life and thought. It examines the methods by which Hayek interacted with - and schemed against - the knowledge communities that he encountered during his very long life. Chapters explore the 'rules of engagement' that Hayek employed when interacting with fifth leading knowledge communities, including the Nobel Prize selection committee who were led to believe his claim about having predicted the Great Depression. It also explores his interactions with William Beveridge, the founder of the modern British Welfare State, A. C. Pigou, the founder of the market school, J. M. Keynes, Sir Arthur Lewis, and Abba Lerner.

This tenth part of Robert Leeson's collaborative biography of Friedrich August von Hayek explores Hayek's thought on the free market and democracy. Using an unparalleled array of archival materials, Leeson reconstructs Hayek's thinking as the notorious economist and his acolytes set about reshaping the post-war economic order. Darker areas of Hayek's thought are also explored, including the influence of eugenics on his thought and his support for radical right-wing dictatorships in South America. Leeson concludes this volume with a collection of chapters written by eminent scholars of Hayek. These chapters cover subjects as diverse as Hayek's influence on scholars of Darwinian evolution, his views on psychology, and cultural evolution.

This book is the seventh volume in this series which explores the life of Nobel Price-winning economist F.A. Hayek (1899-1992). The volume uses archival material, juxtaposed with Hayek's published work to challenge the existing perceptions of his life and thought. It examines the methods by which Hayek interacted with - and schemed against - the knowledge communities that he encountered during his very long life. Chapters explore the 'rules of engagement' that Hayek employed when interacting with fifth leading knowledge communities, including the Nobel Prize selection committee who were led to believe his claim about having predicted the Great Depression. It also explores his interactions with William Beveridge, the founder of the modern British Welfare State, A. C. Pigou, the founder of the market school, J. M. Keynes, Sir Arthur Lewis, and Abba Lerner.

F. A. von Hayek (1899-1992) was a Nobel Prize winning economist, famous for promoting an Austrian version of classical liberalism. This multi-volume biography examines the evolution of his life and influence. In this ninth volume of Leeson's collaborative biography of Friedrich August von Hayek, a variety of well-known contributors discuss Hayek's views on the divine right of the market taking democratic and free-market principles into account.

This volume brings together some of the world's leading economists, to focus primarily on Canadian policy issues and case study debates in honour of David Laidler. Commemorating his success and active participation in the research and analysis of monetary policy.

This volume brings together some of the worlds leading economists, to focus primarily on Canadian policy issues and case study debates in honor of David Laidler. The book commemorates his success and active participation in the research and analysis of monetary policy.

In this book, Robert Leeson and Charles Palm have assembled an amazing collection of Milton Friedman's best works on freedom. Even more amazing is that the selection represents only 1 percent of the 1,500 works by Friedman that Leeson and Palm have put online in a user-friendly format-and an even smaller percentage if you include their archive of Friedman's audio and television recordings, correspondence, and other writings. This book and the larger online collection are sorely needed and very welcome. Milton Friedman deserves to be read in the original by generation after generation. These days, many people channel Friedman to support their own views, which sometimes are quite contrary to his actual views. With so much of it now readily available, everyone will find it easier to remember and learn from what he actually wrote and said. Readers will find the book refreshing whether or not they are already familiar with Friedman's work.

This latest volume in the Collaborative Biography of Hayek examines the interconnectedness between Hayek's (1944) The Road to Serfdom and George Orwell's Animal Farm (1945) and Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949); his relationship with Karl Popper and Karl Polanyi; and the work of Wilhelm von Humboldt. Mises had a 'deep emotional attachment' to the 'free' market and Hayek believed that 'science' was driven by shallow emotions. Hayek believed in 'democracy as a system of peaceful change of government; but that's all its whole advantage is, no other.' He felt democracy simply made it possible to get rid of the government 'we' dislike. Hayek bemoaned the decay of superstition - the 'supporting moral beliefs' - that are required to maintain 'our' civilization. Yet his Road to Serfdom neglected 'another road to serfdom' - the possibility that there were multiple threats to individual freedom - not just State power. In contrast, many other scholars and public intellectual warned of the dangers of the concentration of power in institutions other than the State. Today those fears have materialized in the guise of wealthy mega-corporations and billionaires whose influence on government, on elections, on popular culture and on the dominant ideology, have been able to change the rules of the market in their favour - so that 'we' have now become trapped in a new kind of serfdom. With contributions from a range of highly regarded scholars, this volume continues the Biography's rich exploration of Hayek's work and beliefs.

This book is the eighth volume in this Collaborative Biography, which explores the life and works of Nobel Prize-winning economist F.A. Hayek (1899-1992). Making extensive use of archival material and Hayek's own published writings, it presents a strong challenge to perceptions of the economist's life and thought. In this volume, chapters canvas subjects such as the relationship between the Austrian School of Economics and the Cold War, the Hapsburg Empire, and the overthrow (or planned overthrow) of democracy in a variety of countries, with a view to examining the process by which economics is constructed and disseminated.

This tenth part of Robert Leeson's collaborative biography of Friedrich August von Hayek explores Hayek's thought on the free market and democracy. Using an unparalleled array of archival materials, Leeson reconstructs Hayek's thinking as the notorious economist and his acolytes set about reshaping the post-war economic order. Darker areas of Hayek's thought are also explored, including the influence of eugenics on his thought and his support for radical right-wing dictatorships in South America. Leeson concludes this volume with a collection of chapters written by eminent scholars of Hayek. These chapters cover subjects as diverse as Hayek's influence on scholars of Darwinian evolution, his views on psychology, and cultural evolution.

The smart heroines of these folk tales come from different countries around the world. Natasha from Russia is full of comical fantasies but can still outwit the devil; Yamuna from India has eyes like the sun a mind to match; English Marian ... well, she wants to be an outlaw like Robin Hood!

Virtually all of contemporary macroeconomics is underpinned by a Phillips curve of one variety or another; yet most of this literature displays a curious neglect of the theoretical dynamic stabilisation perspective provided by A. W. H. Phillips. This 2000 volume collected for the first time the major work of one of the great economists, integrating Phillips's empirical work with his theoretical contribution. In addition to twelve substantive chapters, twenty-nine economists including Lawrence Klein, James Meade, Thomas Sargent, Peter Phillips, David Hendry, William Baumol, Richard Lipsey and Geoffrey Harcourt highlight and interpret Phillips's ongoing influence. This volume also contains six of Phillips's previously unpublished essays, four of which were thought to have been lost. The fifth such essay (Phillips's second empirical Phillips curve) was previously an informal working paper of which few copies circulated, and the sixth essay is a forerunner of the Lucas Critique written by Phillips shortly before his death.