How can citizens best protect themselves from the arbitrary power of abusive spouses, tyrannical bosses, and corrupt politicians? Exit Left makes the case that in each of these three spheres the answer is the same: exit. By promoting open and competitive markets and providing the information and financial resources necessary to enable exit, the book argues that this can empower people's voices and offer them an escape from abuse and exploitation. This will advance a conception of freedom, viz. freedom as non-domination (FND), which is central to contemporary republican thought. Neo-republicans have typically promoted FND through constitutional means (separation of powers, judicial review, the rule of law, and federalism) and participatory ones (democratic elections and oversight), but this book focuses on economic means, ones that have been neglected by contemporary republicans but were commonly invoked in the older, commercial-republican tradition of Alexander Hamilton, Immanuel Kant, and Adam Smith. Just as Philip Pettit and other neo-republicans have revived and revised classical republicanism, so this book will do the same for commercial republicanism. This revival will enlarge republican practice by encouraging greater use of market mechanisms, even as it hews closely to existing republican theory.

This book presents a range of interesting and diverse papers in order to demonstrate the importance and need for intervention programs that deal with the harmful effects that domestic violence causes to primary and secondary victims as well as to perpetrators. These papers reveal that the traditional within family home male-upon-female definitional understanding of domestic violence in the modern needs era to be broadened to include such experiences as dating violence, LGBT intimate partner violence and the childhood witnessing of domestic violence, to name but a few. Additionally, it is argued that intervention programs, given the scale of the domestic violence problem within society, need to be delivered in a non-gendered and non-stigmatising manner to both the survivor and the perpetrator. For, regardless of the gender of the perpetrator, it is the act itself of committing violence that needs to be eradicated. Moreover, it is argued that this eradication will best be achieved through eliminating the destructive construct of blame which is embedded within society's understanding of domestic violence. The need to eliminate the harms blame is evident in the debilitating intergenerational transfer of the abused-abuser perpetrator label. For embedded in this label is the suggestion that a cycle of violence exists in which maltreated children (ie: children who have experienced or witnessed abuse) are destined to grow up to be abusive perpetrators of domestic violence and/or child abuse. The editors contend that the way forward lies in changing this embedded notion and in altering the public's indifference or acceptance of domestic violence, educating the upcoming generation of youth on the unacceptability of fiduciary relationship violence and in creating resilient futures for both the primary and secondary survivors of domestic violence as well as for perpetrators. The chapters are based on recent research conducted in different countries by researchers from multiple disciplines (eg: medicine, social work, psychology, law, nursing, sexology, health sciences, education) situated in universities around the world (eg: Australia, Canada, England, Lebanon, Scotland, Spain and the USA). The book is comprised of seven separate sections that aim to provide diverse perspectives on the issue of domestic violence.

The Making of the Modern Law: Legal Treatises, 1800-1926 includes over 20,000 analytical, theoretical and practical works on American and British Law. It includes the writings of major legal theorists, including Sir Edward Coke, Sir William Blackstone, James Fitzjames Stephen, Frederic William Maitland, John Marshall, Joseph Story, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. and Roscoe Pound, among others. Legal Treatises includes casebooks, local practice manuals, form books, works for lay readers, pamphlets, letters, speeches and other works of the most influential writers of their time. It is of great value to researchers of domestic and international law, government and politics, legal history, business and economics, criminology and much more.++++The below data was compiled from various identification fields in the bibliographic record of this title. This data is provided as an additional tool in helping to insure edition identification: ++++Harvard Law School LibraryCTRG97-B1868Cover title. "Delivered at Boston, Massachusetts, August 31, 1911."--Cover. U. S.: s.n., 1911?]. 18 p.; 22 cm

Reconstructing Rawls has one overarching goal: to reclaim Rawls for the Enlightenment--more specifically, the Prussian Enlightenment. Rawls's so-called political turn in the 1980s, motivated by a newfound interest in pluralism and the accommodation of difference, has been unhealthy for autonomy-based liberalism and has led liberalism more broadly toward cultural relativism, be it in the guise of liberal multiculturalism or critiques of cosmopolitan distributive-justice theories. Robert Taylor believes that it is time to redeem A Theory of Justice's implicit promise of a universalistic, comprehensive Kantian liberalism. Reconstructing Rawls on Kantian foundations leads to some unorthodox conclusions about justice as fairness, to be sure: for example, it yields a more civic-humanist reading of the priority of political liberty, a more Marxist reading of the priority of fair equality of opportunity, and a more ascetic or antimaterialist reading of the difference principle. It nonetheless leaves us with a theory that is still recognizably Rawlsian and reveals a previously untraveled road out of Theory--a road very different from the one Rawls himself ultimately followed.