William Ewart Gladstone (1809-98) was the outstanding statesman of the Victorian age. He was an MP for over sixty years, a long serving and exceptional Chancellor of the Exchequer and four times Prime Minister. As the leader of the Liberal party over three decades, he personified the values and policies of later Victorian Liberalism. Gladstone, however, was always more than just a politician. He was also a considerable scholar, a dedicated Churchman and had a range of interests and connections that made him, in many respects, the quintessential Victorian. Yet important aspects of Gladstone's life have received relatively little recent attention from historians. This study reappraises Gladstone by focusing on five themes: his reputation; his representation in visual and material culture; his personal life; his role as an official; and the ethical and political basis of his international policies. This collection of original, often multidisciplinary studies, provides new perspectives on Gladstone's public and private life. As such, it illustrates the many-sided nature of his career and the complexities of his personality.

Today representative democracy is the dominant political system in the world. Britain played a prominent part in the democratization of the world through both its constitutional reforms at home and its power and influence abroad. In that process, Prime Ministers played a prominent role through their power and influence in government, Parliament and the country more generally. Quinault examines the stance of ten leading Prime Ministers - from the mid-nineteenth century until the twenty-first century - on the theory and practice of democracy. The attitude of each Prime Minister is assessed by considering their general views on democracy and their use of that term and concept in their discourse and thereby their role in advancing or resisting democratic political change. Particular attention is paid to their role in electoral reform, together with their stance on the composition and powers of the House of Lords and the role of the monarchy in the governing process. Their attitudes to the democratic aspects of some major international issues are also considered.

This book examines Gibbon's interpretations of empire and the intellectual context in which he formulated them against a background of the eighteenth- and late twentieth-century knowledge of late antiquity and the Middle Ages. Gibbon's ideas of empire, his understanding of monarchy and the balance of power, his sources and working methods, the structure of the History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, his attitude towards the barbarians, the contrasting treatments of the eastern and western Empire, his appreciation of past civilizations and their material remains, his audience and their reactions - contemporary and Victorian - are considered in the light of the latest research on eighteenth-century intellectual history on the one hand and on late antiquity, Byzantium and the Middle Ages on the other. The book breaks new ground in taking the form of a dialogue between experts on the fields about which Gibbon himself wrote, and eighteenth-century intellectual historians.

Anglo-American Attitudes is a pioneering study of Anglo-American connections in their widest sense. Previous studies of Anglo-American relations have focused narrowly on official government-to-government contacts rather than on other kinds of less formal links. This book redresses that imbalance by examining not only diplomatic relations, but also a wide variety of social, economic, intellectual and cultural connections. It is also the first study which examines Anglo-American relations over not just the few decades of the 'special relationship', but over the whole period since the American Revolution. The book opens up many new themes and perspectives which illuminate the evolution of bilateral relations, mutual perceptions and the comparative development of both nations. Anglo-American Attitudes will be invaluable not only for students of British and American history, but also for anyone who wants to understand the complex nature of an association which has played a key role in the evolution of the modern world.

William Ewart Gladstone (1809-98) was the outstanding statesman of the Victorian age. He was an MP for over sixty years, a long serving and exceptional Chancellor of the Exchequer and four times Prime Minister. As the leader of the Liberal party over three decades, he personified the values and policies of later Victorian Liberalism. Gladstone, however, was always more than just a politician. He was also a considerable scholar, a dedicated Churchman and had a range of interests and connections that made him, in many respects, the quintessential Victorian. Yet important aspects of Gladstone's life have received relatively little recent attention from historians. This study reappraises Gladstone by focusing on five themes: his reputation; his representation in visual and material culture; his personal life; his role as an official; and the ethical and political basis of his international policies. This collection of original, often multidisciplinary studies, provides new perspectives on Gladstone's public and private life. As such, it illustrates the many-sided nature of his career and the complexities of his personality.

For many people throughout the English-speaking world and beyond, Winston Churchill was the greatest statesman of the twentieth century: the saviour of his country and a staunch defender of democracy in the face of totalitarianism. By writing history, as well as by making it, Churchill influenced our whole view of the twentieth century and his role in it. But how does he look now, in a new century, with a different agenda and when few can remember him? This book confronts and addresses this question; partly by including the reminiscences and recollections of four people who still vividly remember Churchill (Tony Benn, Lord Carrington, Lord Deedes and Lady Soames); but primarily by bringing together a group of historians (David Cannadine, Roland Quinault, Paul Addison, Chris Wrigley, Stuart Ball, David Reynolds, John Charmley, David Carlton, John W. Young and Peter Hennessy), who explore the complexities and ambiguities of this extraordinary man.

To understand Gibbon's History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire properly it is necessary to have knowledge of his historiographical and philosophical context. Gibbon is considered here not just for what he reveals of eighteenth-century intellectual attitudes, but for his forceful interpretation of the period. Leading experts in the field about which Gibbon himself wrote enter into dialogue with historians of the eighteenth century. New light is thereby thrown not only on Gibbon's text, but also on the degree to which he can be regarded as a trustworthy guide to late antiquity and the Middle Ages in the late twentieth century.

The Industrial Revolution and British Society is an original and wide-ranging textbook survey of the principal economic and social aspects of the Industrial Revolution in Britain in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The distinguished international team of contributors each focus on topics currently at the very center of scholarly interest, and draw together the very latest research in an accessible and stimulating manner: the intention throughout is to introduce a broad student readership to important, but less familiar aspects and consequences of the first Industrial Revolution.

Today representative democracy is the dominant political system in the world. Britain played a prominent part in the democratization of the world through both its constitutional reforms at home and its power and influence abroad. In that process, Prime Ministers played a prominent role through their power and influence in government, Parliament and the country more generally. Quinault examines the stance of ten leading Prime Ministers - from the mid-nineteenth century until the twenty-first century - on the theory and practice of democracy. The attitude of each Prime Minister is assessed by considering their general views on democracy and their use of that term and concept in their discourse and thereby their role in advancing or resisting democratic political change. Particular attention is paid to their role in electoral reform, together with their stance on the composition and powers of the House of Lords and the role of the monarchy in the governing process. Their attitudes to the democratic aspects of some major international issues are also considered.