This cohesive set of case studies collects scholarly research, policy evaluation, and field experience to explain how terrorist groups have developed into criminal enterprises. Terrorist groups have evolved from orthodox global insurgents funded by rogue sponsors into nimble and profitable transnational criminal enterprises whose motivations are not always evident. This volume seeks to explain how and why terrorist groups are often now criminal enterprises through 12 case studies of terrorist criminal enterprises written by authors who have derived their expertise on terrorism and/or organized crime from diverse sources. Terrorist groups have been chosen from different regions to provide the global coverage. Chapters describe and analyze the actors, actions, problems, and collaborations of specific terrorist criminal enterprises. Other elements discussed include links to such facilitating conditions as political culture, corruption, history, economy, and issues of governance. This work advances scholarship in the field of counterterrorism by expanding the understanding of these terrorist groups as entities not driven purely by ideology but rather by the criminal enterprises with which they often coincide. Provides a global comparison of major terrorist groups and their engagement in organized crime Provides in-depth analysis of regional terrorist and criminal groups Incorporates authors' expertise on regional terrorist groups and organized crime Acknowledges a variety of opinions and perspectives

Key to developing national security strategy is figuring out what other countries want. What are their national interests? How do they perceive them? How do they project them onto the world stage? Understanding all of this helps us to predict their behavior. In developing a national security strategy for Asia, the United States must take into account the desires of two emerging giants of the 21st century: China and India. We would be mistaken, Lal argues, if we lumped China and India together in one Asian policy, because these two countries differ greatly from one another. Based on over 120 in-depth interviews with government officials and scholars in Beijing and New Delhi, the author's research yields some surprising news about the differences between China and India. Chinese leaders define their national interest as preservation of the state and territorial unity, whereas Indian decision makers define their national interests in relation to forces beyond India, such as the forces of globalization and their geopolitical status. One factor that accounts for these differences, among the many explored in this book, is the influence of one-party rule in China and parliamentary democracy in India. Another important finding is that China and India are unlikely to pursue hostility with each other. The U.S. approach to Asia will need to take these differences into account.

Iran is one of the United Statesa most important foreign policy concerns. It
has also been an extraordinarily difficult country with which to engage.
Ironically, while the leadership has been hostile to the United States,
Iranian society has evolved in ways friendly to the United States and U.S.
interests. This book assesses current political, ethnic, demographic,
and economic trends and vulnerabilities in Iran. For example, the numbers of
young people entering the Iranian labor force are at an all-time high. The
authors then provide recommendations for U.S. policies that might foster
trends beneficial to U.S. interests. For example, greater use of markets and
a more-vibrant private sector would contribute to the development of sources
of political power independent from the current regime. The authors finally
note a need for patience. Even if favorable trends take root, it will take
time for them to come to fruition.

China, Iran, Afghanistan, India, and Pakistan are critical players in the security and economic issues that will determine the future of Central Asia and affect U.S. interests in the region. By assessing the developing relations between Central Asia and its neighbors, it is evident that each country stands to benefit from stability and economic growth in Central Asia, but opinion toward U.S. presence and policy in the region could be a point of conflict.

Highlights key factors in South Asia imperiling U.S. interests, and suggests how and where the U.S. military might play an expanded, influential role. It suggests steps the military might take to better advance and defend U.S. interests in the area. This monograph highlights key factors in South Asia imperiling U.S. interests, and suggests how and where the U.S. military might play an expanded, influential role. It suggests seven steps the military might take to better advance and defend U.S. interests in South Asia, the Middle East, and Asia at large. Washington should intensify involvement in South Asia and become more influential with the governments there. Given the area's potential for violence, it should also shape part of the U.S. military to meet potential crises.

Momentous events since September 11, 2001 - the 9/11 terrorist attacks, Operation Enduring Freedom, the global war on terrorism, and the recent war in Iraq - have dramatically altered the political environment of the Muslim world, its attitudes and relations toward the West, and vice versa. Many dynamic forces influencing this environment, however, are the products of trends that have been at work for many decades. This new book examines the major dynamics driving changes in the religio-political landscape of the Muslim world - a vast and diverse region that stretches from Western Africa through the Middle East to the Southern Philippines and includes Muslim communities and diasporas throughout the world - as well as the implications of these trends for global security and Western interests. The world's Muslims encompass a broad religious universe and differ in their political and social orientation. This volume first presents a typology of ideological tendencies in the different regions of the Muslim world, along a spectrum of views toward democracy and violence. Second, it identifies the factors that produce religious extremism and violence. Third, it assesses key cleavages and f