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Transnational corporations have used their market and political
power in the U.S., the European Union and Japan to expand global
production on terms that are highly favorable to corporate
interests. Through a detailed history of the establishment of
global value chains, Ronald W. Cox examines how corporations have
internationalized production by working directly with political
elites to establish terms of investment and trade that facilitate
working class exploitation. He also examines the political
implications of the growing gap between the global rich and the
working class, including the increasing illegitimacy of
corporate-backed governments in the United States and the European
Union. The author concludes the book with suggestions for how the
global working class can fight for their own interests in the
context of the rising threats of far-right extremism and
neo-fascist political movements.
This book provides a theoretical and empirical contribution to an
alternative paradigm in international politics, which is labeled
the "business conflict" model. The discussion covers two central
actors in international politics: multinational corporations and
the U.S. state.
As early as the 1880s, baseball owners and sportswriters were
decrying the greediness of players as the leading threat to the
national pastime. Nearly a century later in 1976, the Player's
Association was able to finally tear down baseball's permanent
reserve clause?the contract language that essentially bound a
player to a single team until he was released or traded?and owners
and sportswriters again insisted that the competitive balance of
the game was threatened by player greed. The rhetoric from the
baseball establishment did not match the on-field reality. From
1981 to 1993, the first significant era of free agency in the
sport's history, all 12 of the National League's teams finished
first at least once, as did 11 American League teams. From 1994
through 2001, however, there was a pronounced separation in
strength between the haves and have-nots, as the local revenue
streams of major markets such as New York and Boston overwhelmed
the capabilities of small market franchises in such cities as
Tampa, Montreal, and Milwaukee. This work examines how the sport
has prospered and suffered during the free agency era, based in
large part on how the game's various revenue streams are allocated.
It further examines the revenue sharing plan in baseball's current
collective bargaining agreement, identifying flaws that may well
undermine its long-term effectiveness. It also explores how the
baseball expertise of some organizations has allowed them to
flourish despite the lack of revenue.
Challenging the traditional notion that state officials act
autonomously in formulating and implementing international policy,
the contributors to this volume argue that the influence of
organized business groups has been consistently underestimated in
recent decades. Each uses a "business conflict" model of
state-society relations as a new paradig
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