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This book offers the first comprehensive, comparative and coherent
perspective on parliamentary candidates in contemporary
representative democracy. Based on the unique database of the
'Comparative Candidate Survey' project which interrogated
parliamentary candidates in more than 30 countries, it fills a
significant lacuna by focusing on the thousands of ordinary
candidates that participate in national elections. It examines who
the candidates are in terms of their socio-demographic background
and political career patterns, how they were selected by their
parties, what their policy preference are and whether these are
congruent to those held by their voters, who they seek to represent
and how they intend to do so once elected, and what their visions
are on representative democracy and party government. Last but not
least, it investigates how they go about reaching out to their
potential voters during the election campaign. This book will be of
key interest to scholars and students of political parties and
party politics, political elites, political communication,
political participation, elections, theories of democracy and
representation, legislative studies, voting behaviour and more
broadly to European politics, as well as to political and policy
professionals throughout Europe.
This book offers the first comprehensive, comparative and coherent
perspective on parliamentary candidates in contemporary
representative democracy. Based on the unique database of the
'Comparative Candidate Survey' project which interrogated
parliamentary candidates in more than 30 countries, it fills a
significant lacuna by focusing on the thousands of ordinary
candidates that participate in national elections. It examines who
the candidates are in terms of their socio-demographic background
and political career patterns, how they were selected by their
parties, what their policy preference are and whether these are
congruent to those held by their voters, who they seek to represent
and how they intend to do so once elected, and what their visions
are on representative democracy and party government. Last but not
least, it investigates how they go about reaching out to their
potential voters during the election campaign. This book will be of
key interest to scholars and students of political parties and
party politics, political elites, political communication,
political participation, elections, theories of democracy and
representation, legislative studies, voting behaviour and more
broadly to European politics, as well as to political and policy
professionals throughout Europe.
This book examines whether parties' ability to channel voter
interests into political institutions has in fact declined in the
wake of decline of party membership figures and the increase of
state finance of parties. It first looks at relevant empirical
studies to summarize what we already know. Second, it presents an
in-depth study of Norwegian voters and parties, based on a number
of voter, member and parliamentarian surveys conducted between 1990
and 2010. The existing literature is scarce and indecisive, whereas
the Norwegian parties still seem to represent voters fairly well,
despite the waning of mass parties. The party organizations-the
members, activists, and representatives-continue to channel voter
opinions into the Parliament. This book argues that the high and
persistent policy congruence between voters and parties revealed
might be related to party members and mid-level activists still
resemble voters socially and politically to a large degree. At the
same time, the party competition for votes is also still relatively
efficient, and there appears to be some interaction in terms of
what happens within party organizations and the stimuli offered by
competing parties. Hence, this book challenges the "decline
thesis". It argues that parties can continue to represent, even
"after the mass party". At the same time, it suggests that the
persistence of the formal representative structures and the closed
candidate selection processes that you still find in Norway and
elsewhere could make some parties somewhat more resistant to
representative decline than others.
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