While China's role and place in Africa has garnered a lot of scholarly attention-be it praise or condemnation-not much has been written about Taiwan's role and place on the continent even though Taiwan was a major player and partner in Africa's quest for growth and development. From the 1960s to 1971, more African countries had diplomatic relations with Taiwan as opposed to China. But less than five decades after the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 2758 was passed, there has been a reversal of fortune in terms of supremacy and diplomatic recognition with only one country, Eswatini, recognizing Taiwan as an independent country. Taiwan in Africa: Seven Decades of Certainty and Uncertainties, edited by Sabella Ogbobode Abidde, addresses gaps in academic literature regarding Taiwan's engagement with states and societies on the continent. This book examines international political economy, international security, the history of modern Africa, and geopolitical pressures and conflict. The book addresses Taiwan's early engagement with the continent and the geopolitical and economic considerations that influenced African governments in their decision-making vis-a-vis their relationship with Taipei.

This edited volume examines the cases of four African military leaders who had enormous impact on the continent and beyond. These military officers, and later heads of state -- Jerry Rawlings of Ghana; Moammar Gaddafi of Libya; Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso; and Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt – were provocative and polarizing figures, beloved domestically but mostly viewed with suspicion and hostility by foreign governments. This volume studies these leaders as a group, engaging in a critical but systematic examination of their personalities, leadership styles, official performance, legacies, and their continuing impact on the future and political destiny of the continent. Providing a survey of controversial but important African political figures, this volume will be of use to scholars and students in the social sciences, especially those interested in African history, African studies, military science, Black studies, political science, leadership studies, and the politics of developing nations.

This edited volume examines the contemporary practice of human trafficking on the African continent. It investigates the scourge of human trafficking in Africa from the broader international and regional perspectives as well as from a country-specific context. Written by a multi-disciplinary panel of academics and practitioners, the book is divided into three sections that highlight a wide range of issues. Section One examines the theoretical and legal challenges of trafficking. Section Two focuses on the regional and nation-state perspectives of human trafficking along with selected cases of trafficking. Section Three highlights the impact of trafficking on youth, with specific attention given to child soldiering and female victims of trafficking. Providing a multi-faceted approach to a problem that crosses multiple disciplines, this volume will be useful to scholars and students interested in African politics, African studies, migration, human rights, sociology, law, and economics as well as members of the diplomatic corps, governmental, intergovernmental, and non-governmental organizations.

This edited volume systematically analyzes the connection between xenophobia, nativism, and Pan-Africanism. It situates attacks on black Africans by fellow black Africans within the context of ideals such as Pan-Africanism and Ubuntu, which emphasize unity. The book straddles a range of social science perspectives to explain why attacks on foreign nationals in Africa usually entail attacks on black foreign nationals. Written by an international and interdisciplinary team of scholars, the book is divided into four sections that each explain a different facet of this complicated relationship. Section One discusses the history of colonialism and apartheid and their relationship to xenophobia. Section Two critically evaluates Pan-Africanism as a concept and as a practice in 21st century Africa. Section Three presents case studies on xenophobia in contemporary Africa. Section Four similarly discusses cases of nativism. Addressing a complex issue in contemporary African politics, this volume will be of use to students and scholars interested in African studies, African politics, human rights, migration, history, law, and development economics.

This edited volume examines the leadership and legacy of Ghana's Jerry John Rawlings within the broader context of Africa's leadership and democratic governance. The central purpose of the book is threefold. First, it examines the role and place of good and effective political leadership in the development of Africa. Second, it situates Jerry Rawlings' political style and legacy in the annals of democratic governance in post-independence Africa. Finally, the book adds to the knowledge and understanding of former President Rawlings as one of Africa's preeminent and transformational political leaders. Taking an interdisciplinary and Pan-African approach, this volume will be of great interest to scholars, policymakers, and students of African politics, African studies, governance, political leadership, democracy, development studies, and political economy.

This book examines the process and events surrounding the migration of African scholars, as well as their lives and lived experiences within and outside of their colleges and universities. The chapters chronicle the lived-experiences and observations of African scholars in North America and examine a range of issues, ideas, and phenomena within North American colleges and universities. The contributors examine the political, ethnic, or religious upheavals that informed their migration or banishment; contrast the teaching-learning-research environment in Africa and North America; and discuss on and off-campus experience with segregation and racial inequality. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of the African Diaspora, migration, and African Studies.

To have a State, four distinct conditions must be met. First, there must be a community of people, and it matters not whether they belong to the same color, faith, or ethnicity. Second, there must be a geographical space, a settlement that this community of people calls a home. Third, there must be governing authority. And finally, the government must be sovereign – sovereign in the sense that it is self-governing and independent of any domestic or international body. Palestine, Taiwan, and Western Sahara have met all the forestated conditions -- except for broad international support and recognition and membership of the United Nations. However, this has not been the case with Palestine, Taiwan, and Western Sahara. This edited volume examines some of the endogenous and exogenous factors that have contributed to the ambiguous and contested nature of these political entities and argued that the undermined nature of these entities contributes to regional instability and global insecurity. And finally, the continued denial of statehood is a violation of their collective human rights.

Historically Black Colleges and Universities were established to provide the opportunity for higher education to people of African descent in the era of segregation. The visions, values, and heritages these schools embodied enabled them to chart new frontiers of learning, scholarship, and public engagement for and beyond the United States. Historical Black Colleges and Universities in a Globalizing World: The Past, the Present, and the Future, edited by Alem Hailu, Mohamed S. Camara, and Sabella O. Abidde examines the history and contribution of these institutions in the broader national and global sociopolitical context of the changes taking place in the nation and the world. Collectively, the contributors offer reflections and visions by both looking back and forward to find viable answers to the challenges and opportunities HBCUs face in the new century and beyond. They argue that as the world convulses by the new global dynamics of emerging pandemics, economic dislocations, and resource constraints, HBCUs are uniquely positioned to meet these challenges.

The ongoing tension and hostility between China and Taiwan in Africa are a continuation of the Chinese Civil War (1927-1949) between the forces of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) which remained in mainland China, and the Kuomintang (KMT) of the Republic of China (ROC) which fled to the island of Taiwan. In the intervening years, China has claimed Taiwan as part of its territory and through persistent and aggressive political and economic efforts convinced much of the world to accept her as the sole and legitimate seat of the Chinese people and government. Africa-China-Taiwan Relations, 1949-2020 provides a coherent account of why and how China was able to convince African governments to acquiesce to her claims which have resulted in the expulsion of and the diplomatic isolation of Taiwan on the African continent. This volume, edited by Sabella Ogbobode Abidde, also explains Taiwan's unsuccessful efforts at blunting China's maneuvers. It further discusses the endogenous and exogenous factors that swayed African governments to switch their diplomatic allegiance away from Taiwan-a country that was for many years an ally and dependable partner in their quest for growth and development. Finally, the book contains critical assessments of the role and place of China and Taiwan and their current relationship with states and societies on the African continent.

Since their early beginning in Africa as foragers, hunters and gatherers, humans have been on the move. In modern times, their movements have been compelled by geographical, economic, political, cultural, social and personal reasons. However, beginning in the second-half of the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century their reasons for and pattern of migration have been largely influenced by globalization. Globalization, by its very nature, cuts across virtually every aspect of the human life and human society. And especially in the United States, African immigrants are subject to the undercurrents of globalization - particularly in the areas of culture, religion, interpersonal relationships, and the assimilation and acculturation process. Relying on the vast theoretical and practical experience of academics and public intellectuals across three continents, this book succinctly interrogates some of the pull/push factors of migration, the challenges of globalizing forces, and the daily reality of relocation. The everyday reality and experiences of blacks in the diaspora (Latin America, Caribbean, and Europe) are also part of the discourse and the subject matters are approached from different perspectives and paradigms. Africans and the Exiled Life, therefore, is a compelling and rich addition to the ongoing global debate and understanding of migration and exile.

This book examines the process and events surrounding the migration of African scholars, as well as their lives and lived experiences within and outside of their colleges and universities. The chapters chronicle the lived-experiences and observations of African scholars in North America and examine a range of issues, ideas, and phenomena within North American colleges and universities. The contributors examine the political, ethnic, or religious upheavals that informed their migration or banishment; contrast the teaching-learning-research environment in Africa and North America; and discuss on and off-campus experience with segregation and racial inequality. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of the African Diaspora, migration, and African Studies.

As important as state-to-state and multi-state cooperation have long proven to be, many countries in the Global South have yet to fully explore its potentials. Despite their shared history of slavery, colonialism, and underdevelopment, Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean currently show a lack of significant cooperation. Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean: The Case for Bilateral and Multilateral Cooperation, therefore, makes the case for an increased and renewed effort at bilateral and multilateral cooperation between the three regions. In this multidisciplinary work, scholars make the case for renewing, continuing, and deepening relationships between the people, the state, and the non-governmental organizations in the three spheres-taking not only an economic and political point of view, but also considering sociological, geographical, and historical perspectives as well.

The problems and challenges of the Niger Delta predate Nigeria as a Republic. The resultant violence can be traced to 1966, when the late Isaac Boro and his colleagues attempted to secede from Nigeria due, in large part, to the underdevelopment of the region. Historical reality aside, since 1970 oil has displaced agriculture as Nigeria's primary revenue earner and it has, for the last four decades, been the nation's breadbasket. But in spite of this, the Niger Delta remains vastly underdeveloped and has been given the least federal presence. These deficiencies led to high unemployment, social dislocations, youth restiveness, and extralegalities. It was these realities that bred disaffection with the government and the multinational oil companies and eventually, to violent militancy. Between 2003 and 2009, it also led to low intensity conflict between militant youths and the Nigerian government. In the summer of 2009, however, the Nigerian government extended an offer of presidential pardon (amnesty) to the militants. The amnesty program was intended to bring peace and quiet to the region. However, this has not been the case. In spite of the financial and political resources that have been expended, the region continues on the path of volatility. This book looks at the issue of nationhood, the cause and cost of the crisis, past approaches and current efforts at solving the crisis. In addition, it offers a tenable solution to the decades-old crisis. Furthermore, the case is made that unless there is a fundamental restructuring of the Nigerian state and its governing structure and institutions, the problems of the region-and the larger problems that makes the country such a difficult to place to live in and govern, is likely to continue.

For about one hundred years, Pan-Africanism-as a social, cultural, economic, political, and philosophical idea-thrived. Towards the tail-end of the twentieth century, however, it waned. But in more recent times, there has been noticeable resurgence. And as we approach the second decade of the twenty-first century, there are indications of significant transformations vis-a-vis the role and place of Pan-Africanism and Pan-Africanists. Consequently, this book offers a new, further, and better understanding of Pan-Africanism-not just from the traditional, African, and African American points of view, but also from a global perspective. It does so by offering an analysis of its early years in terms of the personalities, ideas, and conferences that shaped it; it also examines many of the factors that brought about its decline-and its eventual rebirth. Contributing to this seminal work are scholars of different but complementary styles and intellect, who deviate from the more traditional or obvious approaches. For instance, one of the chapters explores Pan-Africanism from the geographic perspective, while another examines the role and place of women in the Pan-African movement. There are also voices that advance the conversation from the regional and continental viewpoint-hence chapters that investigate the status of Pan-Africanism in Latin America, in the Caribbean, and Islam and Pan-Africanism in the modern world. Ethnonationalism and xenophobia are also part of the treatise because, increasingly, these injurious phenomena are reemerging in Africa's landscape and consciousness. In an increasingly interdependent and interrelated world, this book also suggests that Pan-Africanism will undergo a metamorphosis: problems and challenges will be seen and tackled from the globalization and global common perspective. Pan-Africanism in Modern Times goes beyond the historicity of Pan-Africanism and examines the challenges, concerns, and constraints it faces; and also examines it from an inclusive perspective to have a broader understanding of this phenomenon and its future trajectory.

This book examines the role of the emerging African nations in the new international order of the twenty-first century. Since the end of the Cold War, little significance has been placed on the African continent in the security and political considerations of the Western world. However, post-9/11 international security has been redefined, and new challenges have been identified. Thus, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, Africa is facing a variety of new security challenges. Africa has become an increasingly important battleground in the fight against terrorism. Since the beginning of 2011, the new revolutions, now known as the Arab Spring, that swept through North Africa have created new challenges for the African continent and are compounding the African peoples' struggles for poverty alleviation, state stability, security, socio-political and socio-economic development, democracy, and good governance. In addition to these crises of civil war, ethnic conflict, state insecurity, and rampant corruption at all levels, the HIV/AIDS pandemic has ravaged the continent for the past four decades. The only major pan-African organization-the African Union-is unable to lead and defend the continent effectively. At this crucial period when the continent is confronted with these myriad of security challenges, it needs effective, strong leadership that possesses both human and natural resources to play a leadership role in Africa and lead the continent in the new global order of the twenty-first century. The contributors to this volume analyze many of these issues and place them in the wider context of global security.

This book examines the role of the emerging African nations in the new international order of the twenty-first century. Since the end of the Cold War, little significance has been placed on the African continent in the security and political considerations of the Western world. However, post-9/11 international security has been redefined, and new challenges have been identified. Thus, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, Africa is facing a variety of new security challenges. Africa has become an increasingly important battleground in the fight against terrorism. Since the beginning of 2011, the new revolutions, now known as the Arab Spring, that swept through North Africa have created new challenges for the African continent and are compounding the African peoples struggles for poverty alleviation, state stability, security, socio-political and socio-economic development, democracy, and good governance. In addition to these crises of civil war, ethnic conflict, state insecurity, and rampant corruption at all levels, the HIV/AIDS pandemic has ravaged the continent for the past four decades. The only major pan-African organization the African Union is unable to lead and defend the continent effectively. At this crucial period when the continent is confronted with these myriad of security challenges, it needs effective, strong leadership that possesses both human and natural resources to play a leadership role in Africa and lead the continent in the new global order of the twenty-first century. The contributors to this volume analyze many of these issues and place them in the wider context of global security."

The post-1959 Cuban government's engagement with Africa, which was led by its charismatic and revolutionary leader, Fidel Castro, had two connecting dimensions: military internationalism and humanitarian internationalism. While African states and societies benefited immensely from these engagements, it was Fidel Castro's military assistance towards the decolonization of and the pushback of Apartheid South Africa that received the loudest attention and ovation in the developing world. Fidel Castro, this book argues, was never motivated by economic, selfish, or geopolitical considerations; but rather, by the altruism and the certainty of his worldview and by the historical connection between the peoples of Cuba and Africa. The principle of international solidary, socialism, and the emancipation of Africa was a much-desired aspiration and attainment. Beginning covertly in Algeria in 1961 and the Congo and Guinea-Bissau in 1964; and more conspicuously in Angola in 1975, Fidel Castro and his socialist government was at the forefront supporting liberation movements in their struggle against colonialism. Defining Castro's engagement with Africa was his support for the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) against the United States-backed Apartheid South Africa, which supported the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA).

Since their early beginning in Africa as foragers, hunters and gatherers, humans have been on the move. In modern times, their movements have been compelled by geographical, economic, political, cultural, social and personal reasons. However, beginning in the second-half of the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century their reasons for and pattern of migration have been largely influenced by globalization. Globalization, by its very nature, cuts across virtually every aspect of the human life and human society. And especially in the United States, African immigrants are subject to the undercurrents of globalization - particularly in the areas of culture, religion, interpersonal relationships, and the assimilation and acculturation process. Relying on the vast theoretical and practical experience of academics and public intellectuals across three continents, this book succinctly interrogates some of the pull/push factors of migration, the challenges of globalizing forces, and the daily reality of relocation. The everyday reality and experiences of blacks in the diaspora (Latin America, Caribbean, and Europe) are also part of the discourse and the subject matters are approached from different perspectives and paradigms. Africans and the Exiled Life, therefore, is a compelling and rich addition to the ongoing global debate and understanding of migration and exile.

This edited volume examines the contemporary practice of human trafficking on the African continent. It investigates the scourge of human trafficking in Africa from the broader international and regional perspectives as well as from a country-specific context. Written by a multi-disciplinary panel of academics and practitioners, the book is divided into three sections that highlight a wide range of issues. Section One examines the theoretical and legal challenges of trafficking. Section Two focuses on the regional and nation-state perspectives of human trafficking along with selected cases of trafficking. Section Three highlights the impact of trafficking on youth, with specific attention given to child soldiering and female victims of trafficking. Providing a multi-faceted approach to a problem that crosses multiple disciplines, this volume will be useful to scholars and students interested in African politics, African studies, migration, human rights, sociology, law, and economics as well as members of the diplomatic corps, governmental, intergovernmental, and non-governmental organizations.

This edited volume systematically analyzes the connection between xenophobia, nativism, and Pan-Africanism. It situates attacks on black Africans by fellow black Africans within the context of ideals such as Pan-Africanism and Ubuntu, which emphasize unity. The book straddles a range of social science perspectives to explain why attacks on foreign nationals in Africa usually entail attacks on black foreign nationals. Written by an international and interdisciplinary team of scholars, the book is divided into four sections that each explain a different facet of this complicated relationship. Section One discusses the history of colonialism and apartheid and their relationship to xenophobia. Section Two critically evaluates Pan-Africanism as a concept and as a practice in 21st century Africa. Section Three presents case studies on xenophobia in contemporary Africa. Section Four similarly discusses cases of nativism. Addressing a complex issue in contemporary African politics, this volume will be of use to students and scholars interested in African studies, African politics, human rights, migration, history, law, and development economics.