This book examines episodes in NATO's history from the founding of the North Atlantic Alliance in 1949 to its transition to the post-Cold War order in the 1990s, with an eye to better understanding its present and its future. NATO's history, now running over seventy years, can no longer be framed in Cold War terms alone. Nor can the organization be understood fully as a post-Cold War institution. Today's NATO is a product of both these eras. This edited volume offers a reconsideration of NATO's place in history, looking both at how the alliance coped with the Cold War and how it managed its difficult transition to the post-Cold War international order. Contributors recount how NATO coped with its many political and operational challenges, which on occasion threatened - but never managed to - derail the alliance. The book opens new vistas for explaining how NATO thrived and survived for decades and ponders whether it will survive for many more. The book will be of great value to scholars, students and policymakers interested in Politics, International Studies, Global Affairs and Public Policy. The chapters were originally published as a special issue of Journal of Strategic Studies.

This book brings together recent research on the end of the Cold War in the Third World and engages with ongoing debates about regional conflicts, the role of great powers in the developing world, and the role of international actors in conflict resolution. Most of the recent scholarship on the end of the Cold War has focused on Europe or bilateral US-Soviet relations. By contrast, relatively little has been written on the end of the Cold War in the Third World: in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. How did the great transformation of the world in the late 1980s affect regional conflicts and client relationships? Who "won" and who "lost" in the Third World and why do so many Cold War-era problems remain unresolved? This book brings to light for the first time evidence from newly declassified archives in Russia, the United States, Eastern Europe, as well as from private collections, recent memoirs and interviews with key participants. It goes further than anything published so far in systematically explaining, both from the perspectives of the superpowers and the Third World countries, what the end of bipolarity meant not only for the underdeveloped periphery so long enmeshed in ideological, socio-political and military conflicts sponsored by Washington, Moscow or Beijing, but also for the broader patterns of international relations. This book will be of much interest to students of the Cold War, war and conflict studies, third world and development studies, international history, and IR in general.

In this new book, noted scholars of Northeast Asia contribute new views on the future of the region. Collecting essays from experts of all 4 countries and their interconnected histories and political orders, the book helps to contextualize the future development of the region in the context of a US "Pivot to Asia." The four countries on the northern fringe of Asia went their separate ways after the end of the Cold War, but strengthening Sino-Russian relations and what may be the looming endgame in North Korea's strategy of threats and isolation are signs that we now need to think about this area also through its connections. Looking back to what existed in an earlier incarnation of the Northern Tier and focusing on Chinese and Russian views of North Korea, we are able to explore the implications of increasingly close Sino-Russian relations. The book will be of great value to scholars, policymakers, and all passionate about exploring what's next for Russia and China's relationship.

In this new book, noted scholars of Northeast Asia contribute new views on the future of the region. Collecting essays from experts of all 4 countries and their interconnected histories and political orders, the book helps to contextualize the future development of the region in the context of a US "Pivot to Asia." The four countries on the northern fringe of Asia went their separate ways after the end of the Cold War, but strengthening Sino-Russian relations and what may be the looming endgame in North Korea's strategy of threats and isolation are signs that we now need to think about this area also through its connections. Looking back to what existed in an earlier incarnation of the Northern Tier and focusing on Chinese and Russian views of North Korea, we are able to explore the implications of increasingly close Sino-Russian relations. The book will be of great value to scholars, policymakers, and all passionate about exploring what's next for Russia and China's relationship.

This book brings together recent research on the end of the Cold War in the Third World and engages with ongoing debates about regional conflicts, the role of great powers in the developing world, and the role of international actors in conflict resolution. Most of the recent scholarship on the end of the Cold War has focused on Europe or bilateral US-Soviet relations. By contrast, relatively little has been written on the end of the Cold War in the Third World: in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. How did the great transformation of the world in the late 1980s affect regional conflicts and client relationships? Who "won" and who "lost" in the Third World and why do so many Cold War-era problems remain unresolved? This book brings to light for the first time evidence from newly declassified archives in Russia, the United States, Eastern Europe, as well as from private collections, recent memoirs and interviews with key participants. It goes further than anything published so far in systematically explaining, both from the perspectives of the superpowers and the Third World countries, what the end of bipolarity meant not only for the underdeveloped periphery so long enmeshed in ideological, socio-political and military conflicts sponsored by Washington, Moscow or Beijing, but also for the broader patterns of international relations. This book will be of much interest to students of the Cold War, war and conflict studies, third world and development studies, international history, and IR in general.

The European and American dimensions of Mikhail Gorbachev's foreign policy captured the imagination of contemporary observers and, later, historians. The collapse of socialism in Eastern Europe and the fall of the Berlin Wall were the grand events that marked the European finale of the Cold War. The Cold War ended differently in Asia, where there was no easy closure, no great fanfare, and little credit awarded for changing the world. Yet Gorbachev was fascinated by Asia and in his early years in power, he addressed the subject of Asia's rise and the importance of Soviet engagement with the region. He spent years strategizing his Asian foreign policies and attempting to build Soviet relationships with its regional neighbors, particularly alongside China. In the end, Russia was never accepted by Europe as part of the West, but it also failed in its efforts to become a regional power. With the end of the Cold War, Russia was marginalized in Asia, politically and economically, unable to fit into the changed environment of international affairs while adhering to the basic principles that made it a superpower. In this broad-ranging and deeply researched second book, Sergey Radchenko gracefully narrates and analyzes the end of the Cold War in Asia. Among the relationships he addresses is the Sino-Soviet normalization, which emerged in response to the difficulties both sides had with the United States; the rise and fall of the Soviet-Indian alliance, which Gorbachev envisioned as central to offsetting US alliances in the region; failed Soviet efforts to mend fences with Japan and to tap into Japanese capital to develop Siberia and the Far East; Soviet efforts to influence relations between Vietnam and Cambodia; and the USSR's decision to normalize relations with South Korea after North Korea provided resistant to political reform. Radchenko sheds new light on the actions of Gorbachev, Deng Xiaoping, Margaret Thatcher, Boris Yeltsin, and George H.W. Bush, among others. Based on archival research in Russia, China, Mongolia, India, the United States, Britain, numerous European countries, among other places, and interviews with former policy makers in a dozen countries, Radchenko has crafted a book that will appeal broadly to scholars, students, and general readers. Cold War historians; historians of Japan, Korea, China, and India; international relations scholars and political scientists will comprise the academic market.