This book offers an analysis of the employment and income potential of the small business sector in a number of migrant-sending countries. It examines the linkages between remittances and small businesses in Mexico and Caribbean Basin countries. .

This volume examines a number of regional and sectoral developments in Mexico and assesses how they are related to undocumented migration to the United States, representing efforts to identify productive alternatives to the problem of migration.

This book investigates how the socioeconomic development process is related to international migration. It focuses on migration to the United States from Mexico and other countries in the Western Hemisphere, in particular Central America and the Caribbean.

This book examines change within continuity and analyzes stability within revolution. It focuses on uneven rate of development among the political, economic, and social realms of revolutionary life in socialist Cuba; on the implications of the changes unleashed by the Third Party Congress in 1986.

The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA) was amanifestation of widespread public concern over the volume of undocumentedimmigration into the United States. The principal innovationof this legislation-the provision to impose penalties on employers whoknowingly hire undocumented immigrants-was a response to thisconcern.This effort at restriction was tempered in IRCA by other provisionspermitting the legalization of two types of undocumented immigrantsthosewho had resided in the United States since January 1, 1982; andwhat were called special agricultural workers (SAWs), persons who hadworked in perishable crop agriculture for at least 90 days during specifiedperiods from 1983 to 1986. Approximately 3.1 million persons soughtlegalization (what is popularly referred to as amnesty) under these twoprovisions. The breakdown was roughly 1.8 million under the regularprogram and 1.3 million as SAWs. Mexicans made up 75 percent of thecombined legalization requests.

This book deals with migrant-sending countries in the Western Hemisphere because that was the Commission's mandate and because the bulk of undocumented immigrants into the United States come from Mexico and other countries of the Caribbean Basin.

"Conquering Nature" provides the only book-length analysis of the environmental situation in Cuba after four decades of socialist rule, based on extensive examination of secondary sources, informed by the study of development and environmental trends in former socialist countries as well as in the developing world. It approaches the issue comprehensively and from interdisciplinary, comparative, and historical perspectives. Based on the Cuban example, Diaz-Briquets and Perez-Lopez challenge the concept that environmental disruption was not supposed to occur under socialism since it was alleged that guided by scientific policies, socialism could only beget environmentally benign economic development. In reality, the socialist environmental record proved to be far different from the utopian view.

Between the early 1960s and the late 1980s the environmental situation worsened despite Cuba's achieving one of the lowest population growth rates in the world and having eliminated extreme living standard differentials in rural areas, two of the primary reasons often blamed for environmental deterioration in developing countries. The government's approach was to "conquer nature" and under its central planning approach, it did not take local circumstances into consideration. This disregard for the environmental consequences of development projects continues to this day despite official allegations to the contrary--as the country pursues an economic survival strategy based on the crash development of the tourist sector and exploitation of natural resources. An underlying conclusion of the book is that the environmental legacy of socialism will present serious challenges to future Cuban generations.

"Conquering Nature "provides, for the first time, a relevant analysis of socialist environmental policies of a developing country. It will be of interest to students and scholars of Cuba and those interested in environmental issues in developing countries.

En el debate especializado, se ha iniciado una discusion sobre la naturaleza y el caracter disciplinar de la mercadotecnia politica, ya que diferentes expertos la catalogan por una lado, como ciencia, mientras que otros, la describen como un arte, una tecnica, un proceso social y administrativo e incluso una tecnologia. De igual forma, hay autores que consideran a la mercadotecnia politica como parte de las ciencias politicas, otros como una subdisciplina de la mercadotecnia comercial y otros como parte de las ciencias de la comunicacion. Sin duda, que sobre este nuevo y controversial campo del conocimiento existen multiples interpretaciones y lecturas, muchas de ellas encontradas, no solo sobre su naturaleza, desarrollo historico y su caracter etico, sino incluso sobre sus verdaderas atributos y potencialidades. Esta variedad de lecturas ha generado muchas interrogantes y cuestionamientos que, hasta el momento, no se ha podido responder con satisfaccion. Hasta hoy la mercadotecnia politica es, al menos para nuestro pais, un campo del conocimiento muy ambiguo que incluye aspectos que tienen que ver con la investigacion y segmentacion de mercados politico-electorales, los procesos de comunicacion politica, la cuestion de la imagen y el trabajo proselitista y de construccion de legitimidad social por parte de partidos e instituciones politicas, candidatos a puestos de eleccion popular y gobernantes.

While Fidel Castro maintains his longtime grip on Cuba, revolutionary scholars and policy analysts have turned their attention from how Castro succeeded (and failed), to how Castro himself will be succeeded-- by a new government. Among the many questions to be answered is how the new government will deal with the corruption that has become endemic in Cuba. Even though combating corruption cannot be the central aim of post-Castro policy, Sergio Di az-Briquets and Jorge Pe rez-Lo pez suggest that, without a strong plan to thwart it, corruption will undermine the new economy, erode support for the new government, and encourage organized crime. In short, unless measures are taken to stem corruption, the new Cuba could be as messy as the old Cuba.

Fidel Castro did not bring corruption to Cuba; he merely institutionalized it. Official corruption has crippled Cuba since the colonial period, but Castro's state-run monopolies, cronyism, and lack of accountability have made Cuba one of the world's most corrupt states. The former communist countries in Eastern Europe were also extremely corrupt, and analyses of their transitional periods suggest that those who have taken measures to control corruption have had more successful transitions, regardless of whether the leadership tilted toward socialism or democracy. To that end, Di az-Briquets and Pe rez-Lo pez, both Cuban Americans, do not advocate any particular system for Cuba's next government, but instead prescribe uniquely Cuban policies to minimize corruption whatever direction the country takes after Castro. As their work makes clear, averting corruption may be the most critical obstacle increating a healthy new Cuba.