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The modern trajectory of Middle Eastern-East Asian interactions has
garnered very little scholarly attention and scrutiny. The two-way
connections between both regions have witnessed a litany of
activities and developments over the past several decades, but such
dynamics are yet to be investigated sufficiently in tandem with
their overall impacts on the world's safety and well-being. Few
academic works have made an attempt to probe the nature and extent
of each region's inclusive significance for the other party, while
the central role of the West behind such eventuality has attracted
the least attention. Aiming to fill part of this acute research
gap, the present study concentrates primarily on different aspects
of East Asia's modern relationship with the Middle East by turning
the spotlight on strategic advantages of East Asian countries in
all those critical areas in the region. Over the past several
years, there has been a slew of talks and debates about the
formation of strategic ties between the East Asian states and their
counterparts across the Middle East region. In reality, however,
East Asia's advantage of strategic nature has been there for
decades, shaping the contours of an increasingly multifaceted chain
of interactions involving the two sides. As a corollary, the more
other stakeholders (Western powers in particular) made serious
attempts to secure their precious assets in the Middle East, the
larger East Asia's mileage in the region grew strategically.
Because of their historical roles and politico-economic
significance in contemporary international politics, Iran and China
have perpetually been in the crosshairs of both policy circles and
interested observers in almost every other part of the world.
Crucial interactions touching upon any aspect of Tehran-Beijing
ties, from diplomatic and military links to economic and cultural
connections, have especially been in the limelight of such riveting
inquisitiveness which has often given rise to a flurry of rash
comments, sensational claims, and impetuous conclusions. But a
detached probe into critical developments involving Iran and China,
however, elucidates this rather inconvenient eventuality that the
relations between the two important countries are not essentially
based on pivotal principles and clear-cut commitments, nor do their
ties really rest on tenuous thoughts and flimsy foundations devoid
of any common interests in short term or well-conceived objectives
in long run. In the same way, the two political systems in Tehran
and Beijing may ultimately end up each contributing to a separate
pole of power regionally and internationally rather than moving
faithfully and steadfastly in lockstep with what it requires them
to truly materialize their more recent aspiration and design to
move toward achieving a very close strategic partnership.
Because of their historical roles and politico-economic
significance in contemporary international politics, Iran and China
have perpetually been in the crosshairs of both policy circles and
interested observers in almost every other part of the world.
Crucial interactions touching upon any aspect of Tehran-Beijing
ties, from diplomatic and military links to economic and cultural
connections, have especially been in the limelight of such riveting
inquisitiveness which has often given rise to a flurry of rash
comments, sensational claims, and impetuous conclusions. But a
detached probe into critical developments involving Iran and China,
however, elucidates this rather inconvenient eventuality that the
relations between the two important countries are not essentially
based on pivotal principles and clear-cut commitments, nor do their
ties really rest on tenuous thoughts and flimsy foundations devoid
of any common interests in short term or well-conceived objectives
in long run. In the same way, the two political systems in Tehran
and Beijing may ultimately end up each contributing to a separate
pole of power regionally and internationally rather than moving
faithfully and steadfastly in lockstep with what it requires them
to truly materialize their more recent aspiration and design to
move toward achieving a very close strategic partnership.
Analyzing the Korean Peninsula's contemporary engagement with the
Persian Gulf region from the 1950s to the present day, the book
begins by asking the following question: What drew Koreans to the
region in the first place and under what circumstances were they
drawn there? While taking into account a combination of both
external and internal factors shaping the dynamics of the Korean
Peninsula's interactions with the Persian Gulf region, this book
largely concentrates on the agency factor to analyze the nature and
scope of a rather multifaceted relationship between the two areas.
The Republic of Korea has, in fact, maintained diverse connections
to every single country in the Persian Gulf over the past several
decades, and its rather considerable activities and accomplishments
in the region all justify such an overwhelming focus. The
Democratic People's Republic of Korea's record in the Persian Gulf,
however, is mostly limited to its relationship with Iran, though
Pyongyang has pursued relationships with some other states in the
region. This book studies the elements of Pyongyang's actions in
the region as an appendage to South Korea's various political and
economic achievements. Employing a process-tracing approach, this
book will be of interest to policymakers, as well as to students
and scholars of International Relations, Middle East Studies and
Asian Studies.
Analyzing the Korean Peninsula's contemporary engagement with the
Persian Gulf region from the 1950s to the present day, the book
begins by asking the following question: What drew Koreans to the
region in the first place and under what circumstances were they
drawn there? While taking into account a combination of both
external and internal factors shaping the dynamics of the Korean
Peninsula's interactions with the Persian Gulf region, this book
largely concentrates on the agency factor to analyze the nature and
scope of a rather multifaceted relationship between the two areas.
The Republic of Korea has, in fact, maintained diverse connections
to every single country in the Persian Gulf over the past several
decades, and its rather considerable activities and accomplishments
in the region all justify such an overwhelming focus. The
Democratic People's Republic of Korea's record in the Persian Gulf,
however, is mostly limited to its relationship with Iran, though
Pyongyang has pursued relationships with some other states in the
region. This book studies the elements of Pyongyang's actions in
the region as an appendage to South Korea's various political and
economic achievements. Employing a process-tracing approach, this
book will be of interest to policymakers, as well as to students
and scholars of International Relations, Middle East Studies and
Asian Studies.
This book explores how international sanctions on Iran reshaped the
contours of East Asia's interactions with the Middle Eastern state.
Almost all East Asian political entities, from the industrialized
and developed nations of Japan and South Korea, to the communist
and developing countries of China and North Korea, have become
major international partners of Iran over the past several decades.
In addition, East Asian states were, by and large, thought to be
among leading foreign beneficiaries of Iran sanctions, and the
overall impacts of sanctions in transforming both the scope and
size of their rather multifaceted connections to the Middle Eastern
country have been consequential. Despite its significance, academic
studies about this topic have remained sparse and scattered. This
book aims to partially fill that research lacuna by surveying all
relevant information and data available in the archives of several
languages, including Chinese, English, Japanese, Korean, and
Persian. While the book strives to cover the entire sanctions
period, most of the analysis focuses on the past one and a half
decades, when Iran came under the severest sets of international
sanctions. It was during this particular time period that
international quandary over the Iranian nuclear program led to a
slew of far-reaching penalties and stringent restrictions levied
against Iranians by the United Nations and the United States. These
recent waves of international sanctions and limitations transformed
many quintessential characteristics of East Asia's interactions
with Iran. Such sanctions-induced critical developments and
changes, moreover, are bound to play an instrumental role in the
direction and volume of exchanges between East Asian states and
Iran in the coming years and decades.
In the mid-20th century, Korea was dubbed the last custodian of
Confucianism, but it is now very hard to even call the country a
truly Confucian society. Following this argument, Quo Vadis Korea?
explores critically how some five decades of breakneck
industrialization and unbridled modernization could ineluctably
change the nation so fundamentally that their repercussions now
sharply negate many basic principles of Confucianism in one way to
another. This study is a critical overview of the politico-economic
as well as socio-cultural characteristics of modern Korea from a
rather different perspective. It discusses why many key objectives
of industrialization and economic development projects were not
really delivered as they were initially promised to the nation.
They all had, consequently, significant ramifications for the
entire Korean society, the way it functions now, and its peculiar
reactions to strangers both inside and outside the peninsula.
Shaped largely by academic studies, constant observation, and
personal experiences, this book is tantamount to a detailed survey
of lengthy and protracted fieldwork in which the author explains
with rare candid clarity an appreciable chasm between the Korea he
knew before landing on the peninsula and the one he studied
incessantly and practically as a detached investigator in the
place. By engaging this book, many unbiased and unprejudiced
readers would have to acknowledge that the modern Korea is not all
about certain brands or economic statistics that we often hear, but
there are also many other social and cultural developments which
the modernity project has imposed, somewhat arbitrarily, upon the
nation.
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