This volume examines a number of regional and sectoral developments in Mexico and assesses how they are related to undocumented migration to the United States, representing efforts to identify productive alternatives to the problem of migration.

This book examines the use of economic coercion by the U.S. to achieve foreign policy objectives. It presents cases studies limited to coercive attempts by the United States which took place during the Johnson administration. The cases involve the use of unilateral economic pressure by the U.S.

The most controversial and significant aspect of U.S. immigration policy concerns those persons who enter the country illegally in order to seek employment. It is known that a significant proportion of the "temporary" immigrants remain--authorities estimate that between three and six million undocumented aliens live permanently in the U.S., a figure that grows by the hundreds of thousands each year--but other aspects of the issue are less clear. There is no consensus about how the importation of foreign workers affects the U.S. labor market, nor about the desirability of some system to identify temporary workers living legally in the U.S. Neither is there agreement about the effect of curtailing the flow of workers from Mexico on that country's internal political structure. This book brings together current knowledge about temporary workers in the U.S. and examines the various issues that are likely to shape future policy. The authors place particular emphasis on recent proposals made by the Reagan administration and on other recommendations now under consideration by Congress. The book is not political in the sense of being for or against any particular program; rather, it seeks to clarify the many issues by setting forth what is known and by critically analyzing the options.

This book deals with migrant-sending countries in the Western Hemisphere because that was the Commission's mandate and because the bulk of undocumented immigrants into the United States come from Mexico and other countries of the Caribbean Basin.

This book explores the elements of inherent conflict and desirable cooperation between Mexico and U.S. that approach their industrial sectors from different philosophic vantages. It explores ways to foster cooperation in the industrial arena and to reduce the damaging effects of existing policy.

This volume examines a number of regional and sectoral developments in Mexico and assesses how they are related to undocumented migration to the United States, representing efforts to identify productive alternatives to the problem of migration.

The most controversial and significant aspect of U.S. immigration policy concerns those persons who enter the country illegally in order to seek employment. It is known that a significant proportion of the "temporary" immigrants remain--authorities estimate that between three and six million undocumented aliens live permanently in the U.S., a figure that grows by the hundreds of thousands each year--but other aspects of the issue are less clear. There is no consensus about how the importation of foreign workers affects the U.S. labor market, nor about the desirability of some system to identify temporary workers living legally in the U.S. Neither is there agreement about the effect of curtailing the flow of workers from Mexico on that country's internal political structure. This book brings together current knowledge about temporary workers in the U.S. and examines the various issues that are likely to shape future policy. The authors place particular emphasis on recent proposals made by the Reagan administration and on other recommendations now under consideration by Congress. The book is not political in the sense of being for or against any particular program; rather, it seeks to clarify the many issues by setting forth what is known and by critically analyzing the options.

This book assesses economic cooperation and industrial integration between the United States and Mexico from the perspective of six specific industries-automobiles, computers, food processing, petrochemicals, pharmaceuticals, and textiles and apparel.

The role of industrial planning in trade is one of the most important areas of dispute between Mexico and the United States. The official U.S. stance stresses the dominance of the marketplace, while official Mexican industrial policy demands a large and active government role. Although the United States espouses free trade in theory, in practice it responds to pressures from industry and labor by imposing uncoordinated restrictions on imports and often by providing government support. Mexico, usually more thorough and coordinated in its policy, has been forced by fiscal austerity and the noncompetitive posture of its industry to reconsider past programs. The contradictions faced by these two countries often result in policies that are indistinguishable in their effect on specific industries. Analyzing overall as well as industry-specific strategies in both countries, the authors explore ways to foster cooperation in the industrial arena and to reduce the damaging effects of existing policy.

Why do governments-and especially the U.S. government-so frequently attempt to use economic means to coerce other countries on a one-on-one basis when critics almost universally argue that such pressure rarely works? This question forms the basis of discussion for Professor Weintraub and seven graduate students at the Lyndon B. Johnson School of Pu

This book deals with migrant-sending countries in the Western Hemisphere because that was the Commission's mandate and because the bulk of undocumented immigrants into the United States come from Mexico and other countries of the Caribbean Basin.

Mexico is becoming increasingly important as a focus of U.S. immigration policy, and the movement of people across the U.S.-Mexico border is a subject of intense interest and controversy. The U.S. approach to cross-border flows is in flux, the economic climate in Mexico is uncertain, and relations between the two neighbors have entered a new stage with the launching of NAFTA. This volume draws together original essays by distinguished scholars from a variety of disciplines and both sides of the border to examine current impetuses to migration and policy options for Mexico and the U.S.

With the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the U.S. proposal for the widening of NAFTA to include the whole of the Western Hemisphere, there is now a greater mutuality of interest between the U.S. and the rest of the hemisphere than at any time in the recent past. Mexico, Canada, and the United States continue to deepen and refine their understanding of the practical implications of NAFTA. Latin American and Caribbean countries--most now democracies--have altered their development philosophy, placing greater stress on the workings of the market and opening their own markets to import competition. North America and other hemispheric subregions are seeking greater economic integration behind lowered trade barriers. Under this new philosophy, what other countries of the hemisphere most want is assurance of access to the markets of each other and the United States. This common thinking is what makes the present a most propitious moment for hemispheric cooperation.

This book is a volume in the Penn Press Anniversary Collection. To mark its 125th anniversary in 2015, the University of Pennsylvania Press rereleased more than 1,100 titles from Penn Press's distinguished backlist from 1899-1999 that had fallen out of print. Spanning an entire century, the Anniversary Collection offers peer-reviewed scholarship in a wide range of subject areas.

This book examines the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), an ambitious venture in regional market integration which builds on the principles of the North American Free Trade Agreement. It assesses the long-term corporate and public policy measures to cope with the increased monetary, fiscal and structural interdependence that will be required if the benefits of the FTAA are to be realized.The contributors suggest that with enlightened US leadership and the cooperation of Brazil, Mexico and Argentina, the FTAA could eventually match the EU in the world economy and as a multilateral leader. Initiatives to promote a culture of relational cooperation in a system of liberalized global commerce are stressed. In Latin America, there is an urgent need for such cooperation in order to enhance the region's lackluster growth rate and reduce the occurrences and severity of financial crises. The United States, Canada and Mexico will also benefit from the development of dynamic structural links with their regional neighbours. The authors highlight the importance for US policy initiatives to be complemented by constructive and harmonious corporate collaborations. This spirit of alliance capitalism will help ensure the FTAA promotes social justice as well as economic efficiency. This fully integrated volume, written by leading specialists in the field, will become an indispensable source for analysis of the prospects and role of the FTAA in the global economy. It will be warmly welcomed by informed readers such as international business experts, bankers, corporate executives, economists dealing with fiscal and monetary integration, and those interested in Latin American business.

This book assesses economic cooperation and industrial integration between the United States and Mexico from the perspective of six specific industries-automobiles, computers, food processing, petrochemicals, pharmaceuticals, and textiles and apparel.

New disorders require new polices, says economist Sidney Weintraub. In this book he draws together many of his shorter writings to deal with economic problems that have defied orthodox monetary and fiscal remedies. Weintraub has long been noted for his vigorous criticism of both monetarist and Keynesian schools of thought for their failure to cope with disorders in our economy involving unemployment and inflation. Keynes, Keynesians, and Monetarists contains the original article on TIP, written in collaboration with Henry Wallich, outlining a tax-based incomes policy to combat inflation in an era of unemployment. This essay has been the focus of extended discussion in official quarters, among economics and in the public press.

With the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the U.S. proposal for the widening of NAFTA to include the whole of the Western Hemisphere, there is now a greater mutuality of interest between the U.S. and the rest of the hemisphere than at any time in the recent past. Mexico, Canada, and the United States continue to deepen and refine their understanding of the practical implications of NAFTA. Latin American and Caribbean countries--most now democracies--have altered their development philosophy, placing greater stress on the workings of the market and opening their own markets to import competition. North America and other hemispheric subregions are seeking greater economic integration behind lowered trade barriers. Under this new philosophy, what other countries of the hemisphere most want is assurance of access to the markets of each other and the United States. This common thinking is what makes the present a most propitious moment for hemispheric cooperation.