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This volume examines a number of regional and sectoral developments
in Mexico and assesses how they are related to undocumented
migration to the United States, representing efforts to identify
productive alternatives to the problem of migration.
This book examines the use of economic coercion by the U.S. to
achieve foreign policy objectives. It presents cases studies
limited to coercive attempts by the United States which took place
during the Johnson administration. The cases involve the use of
unilateral economic pressure by the U.S.
The most controversial and significant aspect of U.S. immigration
policy concerns those persons who enter the country illegally in
order to seek employment. It is known that a significant proportion
of the "temporary" immigrants remain--authorities estimate that
between three and six million undocumented aliens live permanently
in the U.S., a figure that grows by the hundreds of thousands each
year--but other aspects of the issue are less clear. There is no
consensus about how the importation of foreign workers affects the
U.S. labor market, nor about the desirability of some system to
identify temporary workers living legally in the U.S. Neither is
there agreement about the effect of curtailing the flow of workers
from Mexico on that country's internal political structure. This
book brings together current knowledge about temporary workers in
the U.S. and examines the various issues that are likely to shape
future policy. The authors place particular emphasis on recent
proposals made by the Reagan administration and on other
recommendations now under consideration by Congress. The book is
not political in the sense of being for or against any particular
program; rather, it seeks to clarify the many issues by setting
forth what is known and by critically analyzing the options.
This book deals with migrant-sending countries in the Western
Hemisphere because that was the Commission's mandate and because
the bulk of undocumented immigrants into the United States come
from Mexico and other countries of the Caribbean Basin.
This book explores the elements of inherent conflict and desirable
cooperation between Mexico and U.S. that approach their industrial
sectors from different philosophic vantages. It explores ways to
foster cooperation in the industrial arena and to reduce the
damaging effects of existing policy.
This volume examines a number of regional and sectoral developments
in Mexico and assesses how they are related to undocumented
migration to the United States, representing efforts to identify
productive alternatives to the problem of migration.
The most controversial and significant aspect of U.S. immigration
policy concerns those persons who enter the country illegally in
order to seek employment. It is known that a significant proportion
of the "temporary" immigrants remain--authorities estimate that
between three and six million undocumented aliens live permanently
in the U.S., a figure that grows by the hundreds of thousands each
year--but other aspects of the issue are less clear. There is no
consensus about how the importation of foreign workers affects the
U.S. labor market, nor about the desirability of some system to
identify temporary workers living legally in the U.S. Neither is
there agreement about the effect of curtailing the flow of workers
from Mexico on that country's internal political structure. This
book brings together current knowledge about temporary workers in
the U.S. and examines the various issues that are likely to shape
future policy. The authors place particular emphasis on recent
proposals made by the Reagan administration and on other
recommendations now under consideration by Congress. The book is
not political in the sense of being for or against any particular
program; rather, it seeks to clarify the many issues by setting
forth what is known and by critically analyzing the options.
This book assesses economic cooperation and industrial integration
between the United States and Mexico from the perspective of six
specific industries-automobiles, computers, food processing,
petrochemicals, pharmaceuticals, and textiles and apparel.
The role of industrial planning in trade is one of the most
important areas of dispute between Mexico and the United States.
The official U.S. stance stresses the dominance of the marketplace,
while official Mexican industrial policy demands a large and active
government role. Although the United States espouses free trade in
theory, in practice it responds to pressures from industry and
labor by imposing uncoordinated restrictions on imports and often
by providing government support. Mexico, usually more thorough and
coordinated in its policy, has been forced by fiscal austerity and
the noncompetitive posture of its industry to reconsider past
programs. The contradictions faced by these two countries often
result in policies that are indistinguishable in their effect on
specific industries. Analyzing overall as well as industry-specific
strategies in both countries, the authors explore ways to foster
cooperation in the industrial arena and to reduce the damaging
effects of existing policy.
Why do governments-and especially the U.S. government-so frequently
attempt to use economic means to coerce other countries on a
one-on-one basis when critics almost universally argue that such
pressure rarely works? This question forms the basis of discussion
for Professor Weintraub and seven graduate students at the Lyndon
B. Johnson School of Pu
This book deals with migrant-sending countries in the Western
Hemisphere because that was the Commission's mandate and because
the bulk of undocumented immigrants into the United States come
from Mexico and other countries of the Caribbean Basin.
Mexico is becoming increasingly important as a focus of U.S.
immigration policy, and the movement of people across the
U.S.-Mexico border is a subject of intense interest and
controversy. The U.S. approach to cross-border flows is in flux,
the economic climate in Mexico is uncertain, and relations between
the two neighbors have entered a new stage with the launching of
NAFTA. This volume draws together original essays by distinguished
scholars from a variety of disciplines and both sides of the border
to examine current impetuses to migration and policy options for
Mexico and the U.S.
This book is a volume in the Penn Press Anniversary Collection. To
mark its 125th anniversary in 2015, the University of Pennsylvania
Press rereleased more than 1,100 titles from Penn Press's
distinguished backlist from 1899-1999 that had fallen out of print.
Spanning an entire century, the Anniversary Collection offers
peer-reviewed scholarship in a wide range of subject areas.
This book examines the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), an
ambitious venture in regional market integration which builds on
the principles of the North American Free Trade Agreement. It
assesses the long-term corporate and public policy measures to cope
with the increased monetary, fiscal and structural interdependence
that will be required if the benefits of the FTAA are to be
realized.The contributors suggest that with enlightened US
leadership and the cooperation of Brazil, Mexico and Argentina, the
FTAA could eventually match the EU in the world economy and as a
multilateral leader. Initiatives to promote a culture of relational
cooperation in a system of liberalized global commerce are
stressed. In Latin America, there is an urgent need for such
cooperation in order to enhance the region's lackluster growth rate
and reduce the occurrences and severity of financial crises. The
United States, Canada and Mexico will also benefit from the
development of dynamic structural links with their regional
neighbours. The authors highlight the importance for US policy
initiatives to be complemented by constructive and harmonious
corporate collaborations. This spirit of alliance capitalism will
help ensure the FTAA promotes social justice as well as economic
efficiency. This fully integrated volume, written by leading
specialists in the field, will become an indispensable source for
analysis of the prospects and role of the FTAA in the global
economy. It will be warmly welcomed by informed readers such as
international business experts, bankers, corporate executives,
economists dealing with fiscal and monetary integration, and those
interested in Latin American business.
This book assesses economic cooperation and industrial integration
between the United States and Mexico from the perspective of six
specific industries-automobiles, computers, food processing,
petrochemicals, pharmaceuticals, and textiles and apparel.
New disorders require new polices, says economist Sidney Weintraub.
In this book he draws together many of his shorter writings to deal
with economic problems that have defied orthodox monetary and
fiscal remedies. Weintraub has long been noted for his vigorous
criticism of both monetarist and Keynesian schools of thought for
their failure to cope with disorders in our economy involving
unemployment and inflation. Keynes, Keynesians, and Monetarists
contains the original article on TIP, written in collaboration with
Henry Wallich, outlining a tax-based incomes policy to combat
inflation in an era of unemployment. This essay has been the focus
of extended discussion in official quarters, among economics and in
the public press.
With the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
and the U.S. proposal for the widening of NAFTA to include the
whole of the Western Hemisphere, there is now a greater mutuality
of interest between the U.S. and the rest of the hemisphere than at
any time in the recent past. Mexico, Canada, and the United States
continue to deepen and refine their understanding of the practical
implications of NAFTA. Latin American and Caribbean countries--most
now democracies--have altered their development philosophy, placing
greater stress on the workings of the market and opening their own
markets to import competition. North America and other hemispheric
subregions are seeking greater economic integration behind lowered
trade barriers. Under this new philosophy, what other countries of
the hemisphere most want is assurance of access to the markets of
each other and the United States. This common thinking is what
makes the present a most propitious moment for hemispheric
cooperation.
With the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement
(NAFTA) and the U.S. proposal for the widening of NAFTA to include
the whole of the Western Hemisphere, there is now a greater
mutuality of interest between the U.S. and the rest of the
hemisphere than at any time in the recent past. Mexico, Canada, and
the United States continue to deepen and refine their understanding
of the practical implications of NAFTA. Latin American and
Caribbean countries--most now democracies--have altered their
development philosophy, placing greater stress on the workings of
the market and opening their own markets to import competition.
North America and other hemispheric subregions are seeking greater
economic integration behind lowered trade barriers. Under this new
philosophy, what other countries of the hemisphere most want is
assurance of access to the markets of each other and the United
States. This common thinking is what makes the present a most
propitious moment for hemispheric cooperation.
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