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This book traces the development and impact of regional economic
communities (RECs) in Africa and addresses a timely question: do
REC members, and the REC itself, positively influence member
states’ behaviors towards other members and more broadly,
regionally and continentally due to REC membership? ‘Changing
member states’ behaviors’ is measured across three
‘interconnected, fundamental dimensions of societal-systems’
proposed by Marshall and Elzinga Marshall in CSP’s Global Repot
2017. These are i) the persistence of conflict or its counterpoint,
achieving peace, ii) fostering democratization and better
governance, and iii) achieving socio-economic development and (as
proposed by this research, a fourth dimension), iv) being active
participants in multilateralism? Is membership in a REC ultimately
beneficial to the member and other countries in the region? While
there are no clear and obvious – at least, discernible
traditional – benefits such as increase in trade (perhaps because
Africa’s overall trade relative to the world is about 3 percent),
there are other non trade benefits (e.g., decrease in conflict,
coercion to take certain actions towards peace and refrain from
others, coups and wars) presenting in REC member states. These
in/actions, abilities, coercions, exclusions and cooperation
instances are outlined and discussed in the book.
This book explores foreign policy developments in post-colonial
Africa. A continental foreign policy is a tenuous proposition, yet
new African states emerged out of armed resistance and advocacy
from regional allies such as the Bandung Conference and the League
of Arab States. Ghana was the first Sub-Saharan African country to
gain independence in 1957. Fourteen more countries gained
independence in 1960 alone, and by May 1963, when the Organisation
of African Unity (OAU) was formed, 30 countries were independent.
An early OAU committee was the African Liberation Committee (ALC),
tasked to work in the Frontline States (FLS) to support
independence in Southern Africa. Pan-Africanists, in alliance with
Brazzaville, Casablanca and Monrovia groups, approached continental
unity differently, and regionalism continued to be a major feature.
Africa's challenges were often magnified by the
capitalist-democratic versus communist-socialist bloc rivalry, but
through Africa's use and leveraging of IGOs - the UN, UNDP, UNECA,
GATT, NIEO and others - to advance development, the formation of
the African Economic Community, OAU's evolution into the AU and
other alliances belied collective actions, even as Africa
implemented decisions that required cooperation: uti possidetis
(maintaining colonial borders), containing secession, intra- and
inter-state conflicts, rebellions and building RECs and a united
Africa as envisioned by Pan Africanists worked better collectively.
This book addresses one main question: whether the United States
has a cohesive foreign policy for Africa. In assessing the history
of the United States and its interactions with the continent,
particularly with the Horn of Africa, the author casts doubt on
whether successive US administrations had a cohesive foreign policy
for Africa. The volume examines the historical interactions between
the US and the continent, evaluates the US involvement in Africa
through foreign policy lenses, and compares foreign policy
preferences and strategies of other European, EU and BRIC countries
towards Africa.
For over 50 years, more than 225,000 Peace Corps volunteers have
been placed in over 140 countries around the world, with the goals
of helping the recipient countries need for trained men and women,
to promote a better understanding of Americans for the foreign
nationals, and to promote a better understanding of other peoples
on the part of Americans. The Peace Corps program, proposed during
a 2 a.m. campaign stop on October 14, 1960 by America's Camelot,
was part idealism, part belief that the United States could help
Global South countries becoming independent. At the height of the
Cold War, the US and USSR were racing each other to the moon,
missiles in Turkey and in Cuba and walls in Berlin consumed the
archrivals; sending American graduates to remote villages seemed
ill-informed. Kennedy's Kiddie Korps was derided as ineffectual,
the volunteers accused of being CIA spies, and often, their work
made no sense to locals. The program would fall victim to the
vagaries of global geopolitics: in Peru, Yawar Malku (Blood of the
Condor), depicting American activities in the country, led to
volunteers being bundled out unceremoniously; in Tanzania, they
were excluded over Tanzania's objection to the Vietnam War. Despite
these challenges, the Peace Corps program shaped newly independent
countries in significant ways: in Ethiopia they constituted half
the secondary school teachers in 1961, in Tanzania they helped
survey and build roads, in Ghana and Nigeria they were integral in
the education systems, alongside other programs. Even in the
Philippines, formerly a U.S. colony, Peace Corps volunteers were
welcomed. Aside from these outcomes, the program had a foreign
policy component, advancing U.S. interests in the recipient
countries. Data shows that countries receiving volunteers
demonstrated congruence in foreign policy preferences with the
U.S., shown by voting behavior at the United Nations, a forum where
countries' actions and preferences and signaling is evident.
Volunteer-recipient countries particularly voted with the U.S. on
Key Votes. Thus, Peace Corps volunteers who function as citizen
diplomats, helped countries shape their foreign policy towards the
U.S., demonstrating the viability of soft power in international
relations.
This book explores foreign policy developments in post-colonial
Africa. A continental foreign policy is a tenuous proposition, yet
new African states emerged out of armed resistance and advocacy
from regional allies such as the Bandung Conference and the League
of Arab States. Ghana was the first Sub-Saharan African country to
gain independence in 1957. Fourteen more countries gained
independence in 1960 alone, and by May 1963, when the Organisation
of African Unity (OAU) was formed, 30 countries were independent.
An early OAU committee was the African Liberation Committee (ALC),
tasked to work in the Frontline States (FLS) to support
independence in Southern Africa. Pan-Africanists, in alliance with
Brazzaville, Casablanca and Monrovia groups, approached continental
unity differently, and regionalism continued to be a major feature.
Africa's challenges were often magnified by the
capitalist-democratic versus communist-socialist bloc rivalry, but
through Africa's use and leveraging of IGOs - the UN, UNDP, UNECA,
GATT, NIEO and others - to advance development, the formation of
the African Economic Community, OAU's evolution into the AU and
other alliances belied collective actions, even as Africa
implemented decisions that required cooperation: uti possidetis
(maintaining colonial borders), containing secession, intra- and
inter-state conflicts, rebellions and building RECs and a united
Africa as envisioned by Pan Africanists worked better collectively.
This book addresses one main question: whether the United States
has a cohesive foreign policy for Africa. In assessing the history
of the United States and its interactions with the continent,
particularly with the Horn of Africa, the author casts doubt on
whether successive US administrations had a cohesive foreign policy
for Africa. The volume examines the historical interactions between
the US and the continent, evaluates the US involvement in Africa
through foreign policy lenses, and compares foreign policy
preferences and strategies of other European, EU and BRIC countries
towards Africa.
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Catan
(16)
R1,150
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Discovery Miles 8 870
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