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Questions at the very heart of the American experiment-about what
the nation is and who its people are-have lately assumed a new,
even violent urgency. As the most fundamental aspects of American
citizenship and constitutionalism come under ever more powerful
pressure, and as the nation's politics increasingly give way to
divisive, partisan extremes, this book responds to the critical
political challenge of our time: the need to return to some
conception of shared principles as a basis for citizenship and a
foundation for orderly governance. In various ways and from various
perspectives, this volume's authors locate these principles in the
American practice of citizenship and constitutionalism. Chapters in
the book's first part address critical questions about the nature
of U.S. citizenship; subsequent essays propose a rethinking of
traditional notions of citizenship in light of the new challenges
facing the country. With historical and theoretical insights drawn
from a variety of sources-ranging from Montesquieu, John Adams, and
Henry Clay to the transcendentalists, Cherokee freedmen, and modern
identitarians-American Citizenship and Constitutionalism in
Principle and Practice makes the case that American
constitutionalism, as shaped by several centuries of experience,
can ground a shared notion of American citizenship. To achieve
widespread agreement in our fractured polity, this notion may have
to be based on "thin" political principles, the authors concede;
yet this does not rule out the possibility of political community.
By articulating notions of citizenship and constitutionalism that
are both achievable and capable of fostering solidarity and a
common sense of purpose, this timely volume drafts a blueprint for
the building of a genuinely shared political future.
Questions at the very heart of the American experiment-about what
the nation is and who its people are-have lately assumed a new,
even violent urgency. As the most fundamental aspects of American
citizenship and constitutionalism come under ever more powerful
pressure, and as the nation's politics increasingly give way to
divisive, partisan extremes, this book responds to the critical
political challenge of our time: the need to return to some
conception of shared principles as a basis for citizenship and a
foundation for orderly governance. In various ways and from various
perspectives, this volume's authors locate these principles in the
American practice of citizenship and constitutionalism. Chapters in
the book's first part address critical questions about the nature
of U.S. citizenship; subsequent essays propose a rethinking of
traditional notions of citizenship in light of the new challenges
facing the country. With historical and theoretical insights drawn
from a variety of sources-ranging from Montesquieu, John Adams, and
Henry Clay to the transcendentalists, Cherokee freedmen, and modern
identitarians-American Citizenship and Constitutionalism in
Principle and Practice makes the case that American
constitutionalism, as shaped by several centuries of experience,
can ground a shared notion of American citizenship. To achieve
widespread agreement in our fractured polity, this notion may have
to be based on "thin" political principles, the authors concede;
yet this does not rule out the possibility of political community.
By articulating notions of citizenship and constitutionalism that
are both achievable and capable of fostering solidarity and a
common sense of purpose, this timely volume drafts a blueprint for
the building of a genuinely shared political future.
Workers and their organizations are facing enormous obstacles
today. Corporations wield immense power, not only in the
marketplace but also in politics, which has, for many years,
effectively blocked the updating of antiquated laws governing labor
relations. Instead, unions have been subjected to a steady
onslaught of attacks at the state level and growing hostility from
the US Supreme Court. They have all but lost basic protections that
the legal system once provided-making organizing, bargaining, and
striking increasingly difficult. Black workers continue to face a
decades-long job crisis characterized by disproportionate
unemployment (compared with White workers) and poor job quality.
Immigrant workers of all statuses feel the threat of exclusionary
immigration policies and heightened xenophobic rhetoric coming from
the top echelons of the US government. Similar to worker organizing
in the United States before the New Deal contract, organizations in
the late 20th and early 21st centuries have been scrambling to find
leverage within an increasingly hostile economic, political, and
legal environment. Despite formidable obstacles, this volume shows
that vibrant, creative experimentation has never ceased. In lieu of
new federal regulation, public and private sector national unions
and local affiliates have been actively trying out new approaches
that pair organizing with mechanisms that support bargaining. They
have doubled down on electoral politics and creative policy fights
to raise standards and facilitate organizing, with an unprecedented
focus on low-wage workers. They have forged closer, more equal
partnerships with community organizations than ever before. Still
much more work needs to be done. New organizational models are also
emergent. These experiments, which include worker centers and what
some refer to as "alt labor" groups, diverge from traditional labor
unions in a number of ways. They aim to represent workers and their
workplace interests but do not typically work within the New Deal
collective bargaining construct regulated by the government.
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