Russo-Ukrainian War: Implications for the Asia Pacific explores the implications of the Russo-Ukrainian war for American and Chinese engagement in the Asia Pacific. It interprets Russia's invasion of Ukraine which began on February 24, 2022 as part of a complex double game where the Kremlin and Washington simultaneously spar, bluffing for high stakes despite catastrophic risks in the name of lofty ideals, while pursuing expedient default agendas. Both sides champion virtuous global orders compatible with their tastes and objectives. Washington seeks to compel Moscow to abide by its rules and vice-versa.The immediate impact of the Russo-Ukrainian War on the Asia Pacific has been to confirm Chinese President Xi Jinping's perception that Washington is committed to low-cost, regime-changing Cold War with China to preserve its status as the world's preeminent superpower. Washington is willing to increase hard power defense spending modestly to tackle the Taiwan and South China Sea issues, but will not compete with China in an arms race, curtail productivity stifling government over-regulation and social spending or curb China's abusive state trading.Emboldened by what Washington considers America's successes in the Russo-Ukrainian proxy war, American President Joe Biden plans to reinforce military spending with attitude management campaigns, moral suasion and coalitions of the willing including the North Atlantic Treaty Organization — efforts to spark Chinese color revolution and regime change. Biden diplomatically calls his policy Cold Peace, but his actions bespeak Cold War.Amid the power contestation among the United States, Russia and China, it is naïve in the contemporary world to suppose that the three major powers can permanently subjugate each other. Wise leadership requires satisficing for the attainable good rather than striving for the delusional best.

As a new president takes over in Washington, three intertwined threats imperil the world. One is internal. The others are external. The internal threat is a potent and increasingly anti-patriotic, anti-competitive, anti-meritocratic, and sky-is-the-limit federal deficit spending political current that is simultaneously diminishing and destabilizing American and global economic vitality. The two major external threats are the rising military power of Russia, China, North Korea, and Iran and a global economic malaise sowing the seeds of discontent. America's role in containing the spread of new wave authoritarianism, and fostering competitiveness and global prosperity is critical, but domestic politics is preventing the Biden administration from adequately responding to these challenges. Biden's America is adrift.America is key to the survival of the free world. America is currently a beleaguered superpower. This book is possibly the first to address the politics shaping the likely course of America's new president in world affairs. It is politics, not idealist and realist abstractions, which determine international security. The world is concerned about what course Biden will take and the likely consequences. It will be the most carefully researched of such books.The book deals explicitly and extensively with issues such as spreading authoritarianism, the emerging new Cold War, global growth retardation, civic discord, economic sanctions, arms control, soft power and the deteriorating correlation of forces. The China weapons section of the book draws from the latest assessment made by the American Department of Defense. The book also includes a section on China's new technology generating innovation model and a chapter on Covid-19.

As a new president takes over in Washington, three intertwined threats imperil the world. One is internal. The others are external. The internal threat is a potent and increasingly anti-patriotic, anti-competitive, anti-meritocratic, and sky-is-the-limit federal deficit spending political current that is simultaneously diminishing and destabilizing American and global economic vitality. The two major external threats are the rising military power of Russia, China, North Korea, and Iran and a global economic malaise sowing the seeds of discontent. America's role in containing the spread of new wave authoritarianism, and fostering competitiveness and global prosperity is critical, but domestic politics is preventing the Biden administration from adequately responding to these challenges. Biden's America is adrift.America is key to the survival of the free world. America is currently a beleaguered superpower. This book is possibly the first to address the politics shaping the likely course of America's new president in world affairs. It is politics, not idealist and realist abstractions, which determine international security. The world is concerned about what course Biden will take and the likely consequences. It will be the most carefully researched of such books.The book deals explicitly and extensively with issues such as spreading authoritarianism, the emerging new Cold War, global growth retardation, civic discord, economic sanctions, arms control, soft power and the deteriorating correlation of forces. The China weapons section of the book draws from the latest assessment made by the American Department of Defense. The book also includes a section on China's new technology generating innovation model and a chapter on Covid-19.

Bernie Sanders' socialist advocacy in the United States, communist China's economic successes and a Marxist revival are inspiring many to muse about improved strategies for building superior socialist futures. Socialist Economic Systems provides an objective record of socialism's promises and performance 1820-2022, identifies a feasible path forward and provides a rigorous analytic framework for the comparison of economic systems. The book opens by surveying pre-industrial utopias from Plato to Thomas More, and libertarian communal designs for superior living. It plumbs all aspects of the revolutionary and democratic socialist political movements that emerged after 1870 and considers the comparative economic, political and social performance of the USSR and others from the Bolshevik Revolution onwards. The book also provides case studies for all revolutionary Marxist-Leninist regimes, and supplementary discussions of Mondragon cooperatives, Israeli kibbutzim, Nordic corporatism, and European democratic socialism. It investigates the theoretical and practical complexities of command-planning, reform communism, market communism, worker economic management and egalitarianism. It examines communism as an engine of economic growth, and a mechanism for improving people's quality of existence, including living standards, labor self-governance, egalitarianism, social justice, and prevention of crimes against humanity before addressing the perennial question of what needs to be done next. A suggested path forward is elaborated drawing lessons from the warts-and-all historical performance of socialist economies 1917-2022 and failed socialist prophesy. The evidence indicates that the key to 21st century socialism success lies in empowering workers of all descriptions to govern democratically for their mutual protection and welfare without the extraneous imposition of priorities imposed by other movements. The book is essential reading for anyone interested in Socialism, political economy, comparative economic systems and political and social history.

This book is about a choice President Biden must make that will determine the future of America. His choice is between being a partisan politician or a non-partisan statesman. However, to be a statesman, he must contend with the progressive wing of his party. Today's progressives have become revolutionaries whose purpose is to remake America by canceling their opponents. Biden has a tiger by the tail. As in all such situations, the problem is how to let go. In this book, we suggest how Biden can free himself from the danger posed by the progressives and simultaneously benefit America dramatically.

This collection of essays documents and investigates the conflicts in Europe, Russia and China that sparked populist revolts against the established globalist order in the European Union. It shows that the populist surge was not an anomaly. It was a reflection of the internal contradictions of globalism that sparked nationalist resentment inside the EU, and backlashes against Western 'soft power' aspirations in Russia and China. The idealist rhetoric of the globalist dream was persuasive. It lulled many into believing that the movement should not, and could not be stopped until the 2008 global financial crisis started the dream to unwind. The essays in this volume show that globalism is not dead, but will have to reinvent itself to revive.

China's Market Communism guides readers step by step up the ladder of China's reforms and transformational possibilities to a full understanding of Beijing's communist and post-communist options by investigating the lessons that Xi can learn from Mao, Adam Smith and inclusive economic theory. The book sharply distinguishes what can be immediately accomplished from the road that must be traversed to better futures.

In Trump's Populist America, author Steven Rosefielde argues that the policies Trump fashions are not half measures, but stem from an understanding of his supporters and their desire for an elected government that is attuned to the common man's concerns. Through this lens, voting for Trump can be seen as an act of rebellion, in the spirit of Jeffersonian democracy, against the establishment. Despite assertions of xenophobia, bigotry, and racism, Rosefielde asserts that Trump supporters are nationalists in the Jeffersonian sense, who oppose being victimized by a special-interest government at home and who welcome amicable relations with neighbors across the globe.The book documents the grievances ordinary middle and working class American people harbour against the establishment's Global Nation policies at home and abroad, and shows how Trump intends to rectify matters with policies aimed at building a Jeffersonian populist America in a workman-like manner. If Trump succeeds, these policies will reverse the course of 21st century history for the middle and working class Americans. A battle is shaping up between populist advocates of open societies, and those who are sure 'father' knows best.

In Trump's Populist America, author Steven Rosefielde argues that the policies Trump fashions are not half measures, but stem from an understanding of his supporters and their desire for an elected government that is attuned to the common man's concerns. Through this lens, voting for Trump can be seen as an act of rebellion, in the spirit of Jeffersonian democracy, against the establishment. Despite assertions of xenophobia, bigotry, and racism, Rosefielde asserts that Trump supporters are nationalists in the Jeffersonian sense, who oppose being victimized by a special-interest government at home and who welcome amicable relations with neighbors across the globe.The book documents the grievances ordinary middle and working class American people harbour against the establishment's Global Nation policies at home and abroad, and shows how Trump intends to rectify matters with policies aimed at building a Jeffersonian populist America in a workman-like manner. If Trump succeeds, these policies will reverse the course of 21st century history for the middle and working class Americans. A battle is shaping up between populist advocates of open societies, and those who are sure 'father' knows best.

Donald Trump has called for a turnaround in the foreign policy of the United States (US). A key reason is that US foreign engagements have in recent decades proved of little benefit to the US middle and working classes.Trump's opponents have challenged him to prove that he can offer a better alternative to the foreign policy which has been pursued by the US since the Second World War.This volume shows that a sane US foreign policy that adjusts US postwar trajectory can be accomplished if leaders have the courage and integrity to do so. The principles and many details of an alternative policy based on democratic nationalism are described in this book. Democratic nationalism presumes that the US is a large family in which the needs of members of the family have a certain legitimate priority over those of people abroad.While Donald Trump has raised the level of discussion of these ideas in US public life, he does not have a monopoly on them. The shifts in the US foreign policy which are envisioned in this book can be made by any president and any political party. The shifts and the considerations which motivate them are deserving of careful attention by any US chief executive. This is not a Republican agenda, nor a Democratic one. We believe that it is a US agenda.

The global financial crisis of 2008 was resolved over the course of two years after the collapse of the US housing bubble, but the world economy did not vigorously rebound as expected. The West has been torpid, while Asian economic vitality has steadily waned. These developments have been diversely interpreted and authorities have responded with a series of institutional reforms and policy fixes, without coming to grips with accumulating national debts, the kinds of speculative practices that caused the financial crisis, and the inadequacies of neoclassical and Keynesian macroeconomic explanations.Global Economic Turmoil and the Public Good presents the cumulative research of both authors. It updates the readers on global economic developments since 2008, while providing a concise, yet comprehensive survey of the causes and protracted consequences of the 2008 financial crisis. The book explains the global financial disequilibrium and catastrophic crisis risks; surveys and appraises institutional reforms designed to reinvigorate growth and ameliorate financial crisis risk; and proposes specific actions which will prevent another global financial crisis and its economic fallout.

The goal of "Inclusive Economics" is to tie together various authoritative strands of contemporary economic theory into an easily comprehensible whole that illuminates the need for a broader approach to contemporary economic policymaking undistorted by obsolete 18th century rationalist assumptions about utility, ethics, worthiness and traditional culture. This is accomplished by elaborating the rationalist competitive ideal along the optimizing lines pioneered by Paul Samuelson (neoclassical economics); plumbing modifications necessitated by Herbert Simon's realist concepts of "bounded rationality" and "satisficing"; refined further by applying a pragmatist outlook to probe the consequences of relaxing Enlightenment teleological, ethical, spiritual and cultural taboos. The exercise will explain why competitive market economies guided by rational utility-seeking invariably are less productive, efficient, just and beneficent than most theorists concede, and will illuminate the full range of interventions needed to achieve better outcomes. We call this program in its entirety "Inclusive Economics", including the integration of micro and macroeconomics.

Asian Economic Systems provides readers with a crisp analytic framework, concepts and narrative highlighting contemporary Asia's systemic diversity. The framework facilitates insightful comparison with the western neoclassical ideal. This method allows students to easily appreciate the special virtues of various Asian economic systems, and compare them with those offered in the west. This objective is buttressed with background material on Asian economic history where appropriate, together with basic data on Asian and global economic performance to help students integrate concepts with experience.The approach provides an objective platform for discussing Asia's place and future in the new global order. It makes it clear that there is no universally best economic system. There are a variety of good systems and nations should choose the system that best suits their cultural heritage, values and aspirations.The approach informs discussions about the wisdom of forming regional free trade zones, economic communities (like ASEAN), and unions (analogous to the European Union), as well as forging a one-world system of economic governance.Also, Asian Economic Systems has a secondary goal. It provides the tools needed for training students in how to apply microeconomic, macroeconomic and financial principles to practical issues of systems and policies. The book focuses on East and Southeast Asia. The term Asia is used as a shorthand for the cultural region dominated historically by Confucian kinship networks, Japanese communalism and Theravada Buddhism, and more recently by Marxist-Leninist communism. It excludes the Middle East, Central Asia, the Himalayan states, South Asia, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Russia and America's Asia Pacific possessions.The book identifies and elaborates four rival market systems in contemporary Asia each with its own distinctive performance characteristics, potentials and humanist properties: (1) communist (China, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia), (2) Confucian (Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong, and South Korea), (3) communal (Japan), and (4) Theravada Buddhist (Thailand and Sri Lanka). Their comparative merit is partly obscured by differences in stages of economic development, epochal, and conjunctural factors, but their special positive and negative attributes are unmistakable, and are compared with North Korea's communist command system which is the region's fifth core alternative to democratic free enterprise.

Asian Economic Systems provides readers with a crisp analytic framework, concepts and narrative highlighting contemporary Asia's systemic diversity. The framework facilitates insightful comparison with the western neoclassical ideal. This method allows students to easily appreciate the special virtues of various Asian economic systems, and compare them with those offered in the west. This objective is buttressed with background material on Asian economic history where appropriate, together with basic data on Asian and global economic performance to help students integrate concepts with experience.The approach provides an objective platform for discussing Asia's place and future in the new global order. It makes it clear that there is no universally best economic system. There are a variety of good systems and nations should choose the system that best suits their cultural heritage, values and aspirations.The approach informs discussions about the wisdom of forming regional free trade zones, economic communities (like ASEAN), and unions (analogous to the European Union), as well as forging a one-world system of economic governance.Also, Asian Economic Systems has a secondary goal. It provides the tools needed for training students in how to apply microeconomic, macroeconomic and financial principles to practical issues of systems and policies. The book focuses on East and Southeast Asia. The term Asia is used as a shorthand for the cultural region dominated historically by Confucian kinship networks, Japanese communalism and Theravada Buddhism, and more recently by Marxist-Leninist communism. It excludes the Middle East, Central Asia, the Himalayan states, South Asia, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, Russia and America's Asia Pacific possessions.The book identifies and elaborates four rival market systems in contemporary Asia each with its own distinctive performance characteristics, potentials and humanist properties: (1) communist (China, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia), (2) Confucian (Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong, and South Korea), (3) communal (Japan), and (4) Theravada Buddhist (Thailand and Sri Lanka). Their comparative merit is partly obscured by differences in stages of economic development, epochal, and conjunctural factors, but their special positive and negative attributes are unmistakable, and are compared with North Korea's communist command system which is the region's fifth core alternative to democratic free enterprise.

Four years have passed since the onset of the 2008 global crisis, and although some believe that there may be a second down draft soon, attention has shifted from crisis narration to assessing lessons essential for preventing or managing recurrences. The exercise is worthy, but there is always the danger of preparing for the last war when the next attack takes another form. Prevention and Crisis Management addresses this problem by highlighting the future threat to Asia from a broader perspective that takes account of the Japanese and Asian financial crises during the 1990s as well as the global crisis of 2008. The enlarged framework turns out to be illuminating for two distinct reasons. First, it reveals that Asian crises take many diverse forms, and second, the solutions devised to date have only been locally and not universally effective. Policymakers are accordingly advised to always plan for the element of surprise.

The global financial crisis has provided an important opportunity to revisit debates about post-socialist transition and the relative success of different reform paths. Post-communist Central and Eastern Europe (CEECs) in particular show resilience in the wake of the international crisis with a diverse range of economic transformations. Transformation and Crisis in Central and Eastern Europe offers an in depth analysis of a diverse range of countries, including Poland, Hungary, Russia, Ukraine, Czech Republic and Slovakia. This volume assesses each country’s institutional transformations, geopolitical policies, and local adaptations that have led them down divergent post-communist paths. Chapters take the reader systematically through the evolution of former communist national economic systems, before ending with lessons and conclusions for the future. Subsequent chapters demonstrate that economic performance crucially depends on achieving a sustainable balance between sound institutional design and policies on one hand, and localization on the other. This new volume from a prestigious group of academics offers a fascinating and timely study which will be of interest to all scholars and policy makers with an interest in European Economics, Russian and East European Studies, Transition Economies, Political Economy and the post-2008 world more generally.

Twentieth and twenty-first century communism is a failed experiment in social engineering that needlessly killed approximately 60 million people and perhaps tens of millions more. These high crimes against humanity constitute a Red Holocaust that exceeds the combined carnage of the French Reign of Terror, Ha Shoah, Showa Japan's Asian holocaust, and all combat deaths in World War I and II. This fascinating book investigates high crimes against humanity in the Soviet Union, eastern and central Europe, North Korea, China, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia 1929-2009, and compares the results with Ha Shoah and the Japanese Asian Holocaust.

As in other studies, blame is ascribed to political, ideological and personal causes, but special emphasis is given to internal contradictions in Marx's utopian model as well as Stalinist and post-Stalinist transition systems concocted to realize communist ends. This faulty economic engineering forms a bridge to the larger issue of communism's historical failure.

The book includes:

- a comprehensive study of the transcommunist holocaust

- a judicial assessment of holocaust culpability and special pleadings

- an obituary for Stalinism everywhere except North Korea, and a death watch for contemporary communism in China, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, North Korea, Cuba and Nepal

- a comparative assessment of totalitarian high crimes against humanity

- a call for memory as a defense against recurrent economic, racial and ethnic holocausts

The book will be useful to undergraduate and higher level students interested in Russian history, Stalism, communism, North and South Korean economic performance and international affairs.

Steven Rosefielde is a Professor of Economics at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill and a member of the Russian Academy of Natural Sciences.

Twentieth and twenty-first century communism is a failed experiment in social engineering that needlessly killed approximately 60 million people and perhaps tens of millions more. These high crimes against humanity constitute a Red Holocaust that exceeds the combined carnage of the French Reign of Terror, Ha Shoah, Showa Japan's Asian holocaust, and all combat deaths in World War I and II. This fascinating book investigates high crimes against humanity in the Soviet Union, eastern and central Europe, North Korea, China, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia 1929-2009, and compares the results with Ha Shoah and the Japanese Asian Holocaust.

As in other studies, blame is ascribed to political, ideological and personal causes, but special emphasis is given to internal contradictions in Marx's utopian model as well as Stalinist and post-Stalinist transition systems concocted to realize communist ends. This faulty economic engineering forms a bridge to the larger issue of communism's historical failure.

The book includes:

- a comprehensive study of the transcommunist holocaust

- a judicial assessment of holocaust culpability and special pleadings

- an obituary for Stalinism everywhere except North Korea, and a death watch for contemporary communism in China, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, North Korea, Cuba and Nepal

- a comparative assessment of totalitarian high crimes against humanity

- a call for memory as a defense against recurrent economic, racial and ethnic holocausts

The book will be useful to undergraduate and higher level students interested in Russian history, Stalism, communism, North and South Korean economic performance and international affairs.

Steven Rosefielde is a Professor of Economics at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill and a member of the Russian Academy of Natural Sciences.

The United States will confront a series of fundamental challenges through the middle of the twenty-first century. Using a theory of economic systems to gauge present and future global conflicts, Steven Rosefielde and D. Quinn Mills see the challenges as posed sequentially by terrorism, Russia, China, and the European Union. In the cases of terrorism, Russia, and China, Western leaders appreciate aspects of these perils, but they are crafting unduly soft policies to deal with the challenges. The authors believe that 'globalists' notwithstanding, such views are myopic in an era where nuclear proliferation has invalidated the concept of mutually assured destruction. What America requires is a new security concept that the authors call 'strategic independence' to enable keeping the peace in dangerous times and foster new generations of leaders capable of acting sanely despite a current public culture addicted to wishful thinking.

China's Market Communism guides readers step by step up the ladder of China's reforms and transformational possibilities to a full understanding of Beijing's communist and post-communist options by investigating the lessons that Xi can learn from Mao, Adam Smith and inclusive economic theory. The book sharply distinguishes what can be immediately accomplished from the road that must be traversed to better futures.

This volume seeks to fill the vacuum created by the Joint Economic Committee of Congress's decision to cease publishing comprehensive assessments of Russia's performance and potential. It provides readers with authoritative descriptions of Russia's economy, military prowess and international ambitions. The volume does not settle controversies, but does provide readers with an objective basis for assessing Russia's prospects without the distortions caused by fake news and disinformation wars.

Populists and Progressives alerts readers to dramatic changes in the ideological and political structure of America's Democratic and Republican parties roiling Washington and shaping the 2020 presidential election. America now has four distinct contentious political orientations: progressive, liberal, conservative and populist. The least well understood are the progressives, whose programs are often confused with socialism, and populists stigmatized as reactionaries. Each has its own agenda and presses programs that are incompatible with one another, auguring protracted strife and paralysis. The book carefully elaborates the substance of each movement and analyses the social, political and economic forces driving them. It assesses their staying power and prospects in the 2020 presidential election. The analysis reveals that most contemporary American political commentary is intensely partisan and relies on obsolete notions of Democrat and Republican party doctrine and rivalry, obscuring the transformation of American society, politics and economy. Populists and Progressives assists readers to dispel the fog, allowing them to judge the present danger and help in the search for consensus solutions.

America and Europe responded to Russia's annexation of Crimea on March 18, 2014 by discarding their policy of East-West partnership and reverting intermittently to a policy of cold war. The West believes that this on-again/off-again second Cold War will end with Russia's capitulation because it is not a sufficiently great power, while the Kremlin's view is just the opposite; Vladimir Putin believes that if Moscow has strategic patience, Russia can recover some of the geostrategic losses that it incurred when the Soviet Union collapsed. The Kremlin Strikes Back scrutinizes the economic prospects of both sides, including factors like military industrial prowess, warfighting capabilities, and national resolve, addressing particularly hot-button issues such as increasing military spending, decreasing domestic spending, and other policies. Stephen Rosefielde aims to objectively gauge future prospects and the wisdom of employing various strategies to address Russian developments.

America and Europe responded to Russia's annexation of Crimea on March 18, 2014 by discarding their policy of East-West partnership and reverting intermittently to a policy of cold war. The West believes that this on-again/off-again second Cold War will end with Russia's capitulation because it is not a sufficiently great power, while the Kremlin's view is just the opposite; Vladimir Putin believes that if Moscow has strategic patience, Russia can recover some of the geostrategic losses that it incurred when the Soviet Union collapsed. The Kremlin Strikes Back scrutinizes the economic prospects of both sides, including factors like military industrial prowess, warfighting capabilities, and national resolve, addressing particularly hot-button issues such as increasing military spending, decreasing domestic spending, and other policies. Stephen Rosefielde aims to objectively gauge future prospects and the wisdom of employing various strategies to address Russian developments.

Democracy and its Elected Enemies reveals that American politicians have usurped their constitutional authority, substituting their economic and political sovereignty for the people's. This has been accomplished by creating an enormous public service sector operating in the material interest of politicians themselves and of their big business and big social advocacy confederates to the detriment of workers, the middle class and the non-political rich, jeopardizing the nation's security in the process. Steven Rosefielde and Daniel Quinn Mills contend that this usurpation is the source of America's economic decline and fading international power, and provide an action plan for restoring 'true' democracy in which politicians only provide the services people vote for within the civil and property rights protections set forth in the constitution.