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The Routledge Handbook of Deradicalisation and Disengagement offers
an overview of the historical settings, theoretical debates,
national approaches and practical strategies to deradicalisation
and disengagement. Radicalisation and violent extremism are major
global challenges, and as new and violent extremist groups and
environments emerge, there is an increasing need for knowledge
about how individuals physically exit these movements and how to
change their mindset. Historically, much of the focus on these
topics has been highly securitised and militarised; by contrast,
this volume explores the need for more community-based and 'soft'
approaches. The handbook includes discussions from both
right-wing/left-wing political and religiously inspired
deradicalisation processes. The handbook is organised into three
parts: 1 definitions, backgrounds and theories; 2 actors; 3
regional case studies. This handbook will be of much interest to
students, researchers, scholars and professionals of
deradicalisation, counterterrorism, political violence, political
extremism, security studies and international relations in general.
The Routledge Handbook of Deradicalisation and Disengagement offers
an overview of the historical settings, theoretical debates,
national approaches and practical strategies to deradicalisation
and disengagement. Radicalisation and violent extremism are major
global challenges, and as new and violent extremist groups and
environments emerge, there is an increasing need for knowledge
about how individuals physically exit these movements and how to
change their mindset. Historically, much of the focus on these
topics has been highly securitised and militarised; by contrast,
this volume explores the need for more community-based and 'soft'
approaches. The handbook includes discussions from both
right-wing/left-wing political and religiously inspired
deradicalisation processes. The handbook is organised into three
parts: 1 definitions, backgrounds and theories; 2 actors; 3
regional case studies. This handbook will be of much interest to
students, researchers, scholars and professionals of
deradicalisation, counterterrorism, political violence, political
extremism, security studies and international relations in general.
Since early 2007 a new breed of combatants has appeared on the
streets of Mogadishu and other towns in Somalia: the 'Shabaab', or
youth, the only self-proclaimed branch of al-Qaeda to have gained
acceptance (and praise) from Ayman al-Zawahiri and 'AQ centre' in
Afghanistan. Itself an offshoot of the Islamic Courts Union, which
split in 2006, Shabaab has imposed Sharia law and is also heavily
influenced by local clan structures within Somalia itself. It
remains an infamous and widely discussed, yet little-researched and
understood, Islamist group. Hansen's remarkable book attempts to go
beyond the media headlines and simplistic analyses based on
alarmist or localist narratives and, by employing intensive field
research conducted within Somalia, as well as on the ground inter-
views with Shabaab leaders themselves, explores the history of a
remarkable organisation, one that has survived predictions of its
collapse on several occasions. Hansen portrays al-Shabaab as a
hybrid Islamist organisation that combines a strong streak of
Somali nationalism with the rhetorical obligations of international
jihadism, thereby attracting a not insignificant number of foreign
fighters to its ranks. Both these strands of Shabaab have been
inadvertently boosted by Ethiopian, American and African Union
attempts to defeat it militarily, all of which have come to nought.
The 1998 attacks against US embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam
attest to al-Qaeda's durable presence in Africa, yet
Islamist-inspired radical organisations in the continent have
gained much attention of late, the result of their campaigns of
insurgent and terrorist violence directed against the state in
Algeria, Somalia, Nigeria, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Tanzania,
Ethiopia, Uganda, Djibouti and Kenya. These groups include Al-Qaeda
in the Islamic Maghreb, Harakat Al Shabaab, Boko Haram, the
Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa, and Ansar Dine. This
book explains why the Idea of Jihad is alive and well in
sub-Saharan Africa, even after more than thirty years of Western
and global efforts to curtail it, and how most important
organisations are formed by the interaction between the often
under-estimated local and global dynamics. Stig Jarle Hansen has
been researching African radical violent Islamism for more than
fifteen years and is well placed to explain how and why such groups
emerged, whether they manifest any specific traits compared with
other violent Islamists, and what is likely to be their impact
beyond the African continent. He also discusses the response of
African and Western governments to this phenomenon.
In his seminal work "The Clash of Civilisations", Harvard professor
Samuel P. Huntington claimed that conflict between cultural blocs,
or civilizations, will dominate the future. More controversially,
he predicted that future conflicts will occur on the borders
between Western and Islamic civilisations. The statements of Osama
Bin-Laden seem to support his views: 'This battle is not between
al-Qaeda and the US,' he said in October 2001. 'This is a battle of
Muslims against the Global Crusaders. 'This specially commissioned
set of essays sets out critically to examine the border zones of
Islamic civilisation, be they geographical, cultural or virtual.
The contributors explore the local dynamics in these zones to test
whether or not they support or contradict Huntingdon's thesis of an
emerging global confrontation between Islamic civilisation and its
neighbours, be they Christian, Hindu, Buddhist or godless.Among the
borders discussed are those where Muslims are the majority
(Afghanistan, Bosnia, Chechnya, Ethiopia, Indonesia,
Somalia,Pakistan, Turkey), those with very large Muslim minorities
(Philippines, Nigeria, India) and those where new faultlines have
been created, either through migration (France, the United Kingdom,
the United States, Spain) or technology (the internet). A
commonthread running through the book is whether the rise of
international Salafi jihadism can be traced to countries on the
faultline between Islam and the non-Islamic world. The contributors
conclude by arguing that many of the border regions of Islamic
civilisation are influenced by mechanisms far more complex than
those highlighted in "The Clash of Civilisations", suggesting that
poverty and institutional failure, both often the result of war,
tend to heighten religious awareness and practice, but that the
effects of these phenomena differ from those suggested by
Huntington.
Since early 2007 a new breed of combatants has appeared on the
streets of Mogadishu and other towns in Somalia: the 'Shabaab', or
youth, the only self-proclaimed branch of al-Qaeda to have gained
acceptance (and praise) from Ayman al-Zawahiri and 'AQ centre' in
Afghanistan. Itself an offshoot of the Islamic Courts Union, which
split in 2006, Shabaab has imposed Sharia law and is also heavily
influenced by local clan structures within Somalia itself. It
remains an infamous and widely discussed, yet little-researched and
understood, Islamist group. Hansen's remarkable book attempts to go
beyond the media headlines and simplistic analyses based on
alarmist or localist narratives and, by employing intensive field
research conducted within Somalia, as well as on the ground
interviews with Shabaab leaders themselves, explores the history of
a remarkable organisation, one that has survived predictions of its
collapse on several occasions. Hansen portrays al-Shabaab as a
hybrid Islamist organization that combines a strong streak of
Somali nationalism with the rhetorical obligations of international
jihadism, thereby attracting a not insignificant number of foreign
fighters to its ranks. Both these strands of Shabaab have been
inadvertently boosted by Ethiopian, American and African Union
attempts to defeat it militarily, all of which have come to nought.
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