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A volume in International Review of History Education Series Editor
Peter Lee, Rosalyn Ashby, Stuart Foster As educators in the United
States and Europe develop national history standards for K-12
students, the question of what to do with national history canons
is a subject of growing concern. Should national canons still be
the foundation for the teaching of history? Do national canons
develop citizenship or should they be modified to accommodate the
new realities of globalization? Or should they even be discarded
outright? These questions become blurred by the debates over
preserving national heritages, by so-called 'history wars' or
'culture wars,' and by debates over which pedagogical frameworks to
use. These canon and pedagogical debates often overlap, creating
even more confusion. A misconceived ""skills vs. content"" debate
often results. Teaching students to think chronologically and
historically is not the same as teaching a national heritage or a
cosmopolitan outlook. But what exactly is the difference?
Policy-makers and opinion leaders often confuse the pedagogical
desirability of using a 'framework' for studying history with their
own efforts to reaffirm the centrality of national identity rooted
in a vision of their nation's history as a way of inculcating
citizenship and patriotism. These are the issues discussed in this
volume."" Today's students are citizens of the world and must be
taught to think in global, supranational terms. At the same time,
the traditionalists have a point when they argue that the ideal of
the nation-state is the cultural glue that has traditionally held
society together, and that social cohesion depends on creating and
inculcating a common national culture in the schools. From an
educational perspective, the problem is how to teach chronological
thinking at all. How are we to reconcile the social, political and
intellectual realities of a globalizing world with the continuing
need for individuals to function locally as citizens of a
nation-state, who share a common past, a common culture, and a
common political destiny? Is it a duty of history education to
create a frame of reference, and if so, what kind of frame of
reference should this be? How does frame-of-reference knowledge
relate to canonical knowledge and the body of knowledge of history
as a whole?
A volume in International Review of History Education Series Editor
Peter Lee, Rosalyn Ashby, Stuart Foster As educators in the United
States and Europe develop national history standards for K-12
students, the question of what to do with national history canons
is a subject of growing concern. Should national canons still be
the foundation for the teaching of history? Do national canons
develop citizenship or should they be modified to accommodate the
new realities of globalization? Or should they even be discarded
outright? These questions become blurred by the debates over
preserving national heritages, by so-called 'history wars' or
'culture wars,' and by debates over which pedagogical frameworks to
use. These canon and pedagogical debates often overlap, creating
even more confusion. A misconceived ""skills vs. content"" debate
often results. Teaching students to think chronologically and
historically is not the same as teaching a national heritage or a
cosmopolitan outlook. But what exactly is the difference?
Policy-makers and opinion leaders often confuse the pedagogical
desirability of using a 'framework' for studying history with their
own efforts to reaffirm the centrality of national identity rooted
in a vision of their nation's history as a way of inculcating
citizenship and patriotism. These are the issues discussed in this
volume."" Today's students are citizens of the world and must be
taught to think in global, supranational terms. At the same time,
the traditionalists have a point when they argue that the ideal of
the nation-state is the cultural glue that has traditionally held
society together, and that social cohesion depends on creating and
inculcating a common national culture in the schools. From an
educational perspective, the problem is how to teach chronological
thinking at all. How are we to reconcile the social, political and
intellectual realities of a globalizing world with the continuing
need for individuals to function locally as citizens of a
nation-state, who share a common past, a common culture, and a
common political destiny? Is it a duty of history education to
create a frame of reference, and if so, what kind of frame of
reference should this be? How does frame-of-reference knowledge
relate to canonical knowledge and the body of knowledge of history
as a whole?
The Second World War stands as the most devastating and destructive
global conflict in human history. More than 60 nations representing
1.7 billion people or three quarters of the world's population were
consumed by its horror. Not surprisingly, therefore, World War II
stands as a landmark episode in history education throughout the
world and its prominent place in school history textbooks is almost
guaranteed. As this book demonstrates, however, the stories that
nations choose to tell their young about World War II do not
represent a universally accepted ""truth"" about events during the
war. Rather, wartime narratives contained in school textbooks
typically are selected to instil in the young a sense of national
pride, common identify, and shared collective memory. To understand
this process War, Nation, Memory describes and evaluates school
history textbooks from many nations deeply affected by World War II
including China, France, Germany, Japan, USA, and the United
Kingdom.It critically examines the very different and complex
perspectives offered in many nations and analyses the ways in which
textbooks commonly serve as instruments of socialisation and, in
some cases, propaganda. Above all, War, Nation, Memory demonstrates
that far from containing ""neutral"" knowledge, history textbooks
prove fascinating cultural artefacts consciously shaped and
legitimated by powerful ideological, cultural, and sociopolitical
forces dominant in the present.
The Second World War stands as the most devastating and destructive
global conflict in human history. More than 60 nations representing
1.7 billion people or three quarters of the world's population were
consumed by its horror. Not surprisingly, therefore, World War II
stands as a landmark episode in history education throughout the
world and its prominent place in school history textbooks is almost
guaranteed. As this book demonstrates, however, the stories that
nations choose to tell their young about World War II do not
represent a universally accepted ""truth"" about events during the
war. Rather, wartime narratives contained in school textbooks
typically are selected to instil in the young a sense of national
pride, common identify, and shared collective memory. To understand
this process War, Nation, Memory describes and evaluates school
history textbooks from many nations deeply affected by World War II
including China, France, Germany, Japan, USA, and the United
Kingdom. It critically examines the very different and complex
perspectives offered in many nations and analyses the ways in which
textbooks commonly serve as instruments of socialisation and, in
some cases, propaganda. Above all, War, Nation, Memory demonstrates
that far from containing ""neutral"" knowledge, history textbooks
prove fascinating cultural artefacts consciously shaped and
legitimated by powerful ideological, cultural, and sociopolitical
forces dominant in the present.
The pages of this book illustrate that as instruments of
socialization and sites of ideological discourse textbooks are
powerful artefacts in introducing young people to a specific
historical, cultural and socioeconomic order. Crucially, exploring
the social construction of school textbooks and the messages they
impart provides an important context from within which to
critically investigate the dynamics underlying the cultural
politics of education and the social movements that form it and
which are formed by it. The school curriculum is essentially the
knowledge system of a society incorporating its values and its
dominant ideology. The curriculum is not ""our knowledge"" born of
a broad hegemonic consensus, rather it is a battleground in which
cultural authority and the right to define what is labelled
legitimate knowledge is fought over. As each chapter in this book
illustrates curriculum as theory and practice has never been, and
can never be, divorced from the ethical, economic, political, and
cultural conflicts of society which impact so deeply upon it. We
cannot escape the clear implication that questions about what
knowledge is of most worth and about how it should be organized and
taught are problematic, contentious and very serious.
The pages of this book illustrate that as instruments of
socialization and sites of ideological discourse textbooks are
powerful artefacts in introducing young people to a specific
historical, cultural and socioeconomic order. Crucially, exploring
the social construction of school textbooks and the messages they
impart provides an important context from within which to
critically investigate the dynamics underlying the cultural
politics of education and the social movements that form it and
which are formed by it. The school curriculum is essentially the
knowledge system of a society incorporating its values and its
dominant ideology. The curriculum is not "our knowledge" born of a
broad hegemonic consensus, rather it is a battleground in which
cultural authority and the right to define what is labelled
legitimate knowledge is fought over. As each chapter in this book
illustrates curriculum as theory and practice has never been, and
can never be, divorced from the ethical, economic, political, and
cultural conflicts of society which impact so deeply upon it. We
cannot escape the clear implication that questions about what
knowledge is of most worth and about how it should be organized and
taught are problematic, contentious and very serious.
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