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Heated debate surrounds the topic of health care in both the US and
in Canada. In each country, these debates are based in some measure
on perceptions about health care in their neighboring country. The
perceptions held by Canadians about the US health care system, or
those held by Americans about Canada, end up having significant
impact on health policy makers in both countries. Health Care
Policy and Opinion in the United States and Canada examines these
perceptions and their effects using an extensive cross-national
survey made up of two public opinion polls of over 3,500
respondents from the US and Canada. The book first develops a
rigorous and detailed explanation of the factors that contribute to
levels of satisfaction among Americans and Canadians with respect
to their health care systems. It then attempts to study the
perceptions of Canadians vis-a-vis the US health care system as
well as the perception of Americans toward Canada's health care
system. The authors examine how these perceptions impact health
policy makers, and show how the survey results indicate remarkable
similarities in the opinions expressed by Americans and Canadians
toward the problems in the health care system, heralding perhaps a
measure of convergence in the future. The authors present how
perceptions on health care indicate elements of convergence or
divergence between the views of Canadians and Americans, and
discuss how these citizen opinions should inform health care policy
change in both countries in the near future. This book should
generate interest in scholars of health care, public opinion, and
comparative studies of social policies and public opinion.
Heated debate surrounds the topic of health care in both the US and
in Canada. In each country, these debates are based in some measure
on perceptions about health care in their neighboring country. The
perceptions held by Canadians about the US health care system, or
those held by Americans about Canada, end up having significant
impact on health policy makers in both countries. Health Care
Policy and Opinion in the United States and Canada examines these
perceptions and their effects using an extensive cross-national
survey made up of two public opinion polls of over 3,500
respondents from the US and Canada. The book first develops a
rigorous and detailed explanation of the factors that contribute to
levels of satisfaction among Americans and Canadians with respect
to their health care systems. It then attempts to study the
perceptions of Canadians vis-a-vis the US health care system as
well as the perception of Americans toward Canada's health care
system. The authors examine how these perceptions impact health
policy makers, and show how the survey results indicate remarkable
similarities in the opinions expressed by Americans and Canadians
toward the problems in the health care system, heralding perhaps a
measure of convergence in the future. The authors present how
perceptions on health care indicate elements of convergence or
divergence between the views of Canadians and Americans, and
discuss how these citizen opinions should inform health care policy
change in both countries in the near future. This book should
generate interest in scholars of health care, public opinion, and
comparative studies of social policies and public opinion.
Around the world, there are increasing concerns about the accuracy
of media coverage. It is vital in representative democracies that
citizens have access to reliable information about what is
happening in government policy, so that they can form meaningful
preferences and hold politicians accountable. Yet much research and
conventional wisdom questions whether the necessary information is
available, consumed, and understood. This study is the first
large-scale empirical investigation into the frequency and
reliability of media coverage in five policy domains, and it
provides tools that can be exported to other areas, in the US and
elsewhere. Examining decades of government spending, media
coverage, and public opinion in the US, this book assesses the
accuracy of media coverage, and measures its direct impact on
citizens' preferences for policy. This innovative study has
far-reaching implications for those studying and teaching politics
as well as for reporters and citizens.
Around the world, there are increasing concerns about the accuracy
of media coverage. It is vital in representative democracies that
citizens have access to reliable information about what is
happening in government policy, so that they can form meaningful
preferences and hold politicians accountable. Yet much research and
conventional wisdom questions whether the necessary information is
available, consumed, and understood. This study is the first
large-scale empirical investigation into the frequency and
reliability of media coverage in five policy domains, and it
provides tools that can be exported to other areas, in the US and
elsewhere. Examining decades of government spending, media
coverage, and public opinion in the US, this book assesses the
accuracy of media coverage, and measures its direct impact on
citizens' preferences for policy. This innovative study has
far-reaching implications for those studying and teaching politics
as well as for reporters and citizens.
This book explores the political implications of the human tendency
to prioritize negative information over positive information.
Drawing on literatures in political science, psychology, economics,
communications, biology, and physiology, this book argues that
'negativity biases' should be evident across a wide range of
political behaviors. These biases are then demonstrated through a
diverse and cross-disciplinary set of analyses, for instance: in
citizens' ratings of presidents and prime ministers; in
aggregate-level reactions to economic news, across 17 countries; in
the relationship between covers and newsmagazine sales; and in
individuals' physiological reactions to network news content. The
pervasiveness of negativity biases extends, this book suggests, to
the functioning of political institutions - institutions that have
been designed to prioritize negative information in the same way as
the human brain.
This book develops and tests a thermostatic model of public opinion
and policy, in which preferences for policy both drive and adjust
to changes in policy. The representation of opinion in policy is
central to democratic theory and everyday politics. So too is the
extent to which public preferences are informed and responsive to
changes in policy. The coexistence of both public responsiveness
and policy representation is thus a defining characteristic of
successful democratic governance, and the subject of this book. The
authors examine both responsiveness and representation across a
range of policy domains in the United States, the United Kingdom,
and Canada. The story that emerges is one in which representative
democratic government functions surprisingly well, though there are
important differences in the details. Variations in public
responsiveness and policy representation responsiveness are found
to reflect the salience of the different domains and governing
institutions specifically, presidentialism (versus parliamentarism)
and federalism (versus unitary government).
This book develops and tests a thermostatic model of public opinion
and policy, in which preferences for policy both drive and adjust
to changes in policy. The representation of opinion in policy is
central to democratic theory and everyday politics. So too is the
extent to which public preferences are informed and responsive to
changes in policy. The coexistence of both public responsiveness
and policy representation is thus a defining characteristic of
successful democratic governance, and the subject of this book. The
authors examine both responsiveness and representation across a
range of policy domains in the United States, the United Kingdom,
and Canada. The story that emerges is one in which representative
democratic government functions surprisingly well, though there are
important differences in the details. Variations in public
responsiveness and policy representation responsiveness are found
to reflect the salience of the different domains and governing
institutions specifically, presidentialism (versus parliamentarism)
and federalism (versus unitary government)."
How the 2016 news media environment allowed Trump to win the
presidency The 2016 presidential election campaign might have
seemed to be all about one man. He certainly did everything
possible to reinforce that impression. But to an unprecedented
degree the campaign also was about the news media and its
relationships with the man who won and the woman he defeated. Words
that Matter assesses how the news media covered the extraordinary
2016 election and, more important, what information-true, false, or
somewhere in between-actually helped voters make up their minds.
Using journalists' real-time tweets and published news coverage of
campaign events, along with Gallup polling data measuring how
voters perceived that reporting, the book traces the flow of
information from candidates and their campaigns to journalists and
to the public. The evidence uncovered shows how Donald Trump's
victory, and Hillary Clinton's loss, resulted in large part from
how the news media responded to these two unique candidates. Both
candidates were unusual in their own ways, and thus presented a
long list of possible issues for the media to focus on. Which of
these many topics got communicated to voters made a big difference
outcome. What people heard about these two candidates during the
campaign was quite different. Coverage of Trump was scattered among
many different issues, and while many of those issues were
negative, no single negative narrative came to dominate the
coverage of the man who would be elected the 45th president of the
United States. Clinton, by contrast, faced an almost unrelenting
news media focus on one negative issue-her alleged misuse of
e-mails-that captured public attention in a way that the more
numerous questions about Trump did not. Some news media coverage of
the campaign was insightful and helpful to voters who really wanted
serious information to help them make the most important decision a
democracy offers. But this book also demonstrates how the modern
media environment can exacerbate the kind of pack journalism that
leads some issues to dominate the news while others of equal or
greater importance get almost no attention, making it hard for
voters to make informed choices.
This book explores the political implications of the human tendency
to prioritize negative information over positive information.
Drawing on literatures in political science, psychology, economics,
communications, biology, and physiology, this book argues that
'negativity biases' should be evident across a wide range of
political behaviors. These biases are then demonstrated through a
diverse and cross-disciplinary set of analyses, for instance: in
citizens' ratings of presidents and prime ministers; in
aggregate-level reactions to economic news, across 17 countries; in
the relationship between covers and newsmagazine sales; and in
individuals' physiological reactions to network news content. The
pervasiveness of negativity biases extends, this book suggests, to
the functioning of political institutions - institutions that have
been designed to prioritize negative information in the same way as
the human brain.
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