The tensions in the South China Sea pose considerable challenges to the rules-based liberal international maritime order. The situation demonstrates the interplay between maritime nationalism and geostrategic rivalry; fuelling militarisation and endangering freedom of navigation, over-flight and exploitation of natural resources. China's dedicated "terraclaims", land reclamation and island-building spree - enhanced with military surveillance, communications and logistics infrastructure-building in the form of port facilities, military installations and airstrips - have escalated these tensions. China declares that these territories are an integral part of its "core interests", taking an uncompromising stance on the question of sovereignty and its determination to protect the domain militarily. India, although not a South China Sea littoral state, sees both the general principle of the rules-based order and the specific issue of navigation between the Indian and Pacific Oceans as core to its own national interest. Chakraborti and Chakraborty assess the rationale and implications of India's strategies and responses vis-a-vis the South China Sea dispute, and their impact on its overall "Act East" initiative in Southeast Asia policy. They also analyse the implications of India's stance on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), five member-states of which (Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam) are involved in territorial disputes with China in the South China Sea. The analysis focuses on the administrative tenures of both the United Progressive Alliance from 2004 until 2014 and the National Democratic Alliance from 2014 onwards.

This volume seeks to examine the evolving contours of Asian multilateralism through emerging China and how it is likely to impact on the growth trajectories of Asian countries. From this perspective, it explores the prospects for 'partnership' in Asia, especially in terms of China's engagement with its principal Asian neighbours, especially India. A substantial part of the volume is devoted to debating China-India relations, highlighting their mutual stakes through their economic and security cooperation as well as their engagement with other countries and regional forums. The book furthers the understanding of the rise of China from an Indian perspective while simultaneously locating China's rise in the economic dynamics of an emerging Asia. The volume offers illuminating viewpoints, analyses and insights from multiple perspectives, mixed with academic rigour and up-to-date information. It will be of interest to those engaged in economics, politics, trade relations, Indo-China relations, foreign policy, area studies, public policy, and strategic studies.

This volume seeks to examine the evolving contours of Asian multilateralism through emerging China and how it is likely to impact on the growth trajectories of Asian countries. From this perspective, it explores the prospects for 'partnership' in Asia, especially in terms of China's engagement with its principal Asian neighbours, especially India. A substantial part of the volume is devoted to debating China-India relations, highlighting their mutual stakes through their economic and security cooperation as well as their engagement with other countries and regional forums. The book furthers the understanding of the rise of China from an Indian perspective while simultaneously locating China's rise in the economic dynamics of an emerging Asia. The volume offers illuminating viewpoints, analyses and insights from multiple perspectives, mixed with academic rigour and up-to-date information. It will be of interest to those engaged in economics, politics, trade relations, Indo-China relations, foreign policy, area studies, public policy, and strategic studies.

This book, an outcome of the second Asian Relations Conference organized by Indian Council of World Affairs and Association of Asia Scholars in November 2010, endeavors to examine the dynamics of India's relations on the western flank that include the Gulf countries and also involve important components of shaping of Asian Relations in general and India's diaspora and energy security in particular. At the deeper level, it is also an effort to ensure that this region is no longer considered as outside the dominant connotation of Asia Pacific which is often seen to subsume Asian relations. India has always stood for having an inclusive and comprehensive picture of Asian relations and this book is presented in that larger context. Accordingly, this volume seeks to highlight India's increasing engagement viz-a-viz the Gulf countries that include Iran, Iraq and the GCC countries i.e. Kuwait, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, United Arab Emirates and Oman.

Following a few major discoveries of oil and natural gas, it is now becoming promising even as the energy requirements of a combined population exceeding 1.5 billion are growing exponentially.

The tensions in the South China Sea pose considerable challenges to the rules-based liberal international maritime order. The situation demonstrates the interplay between maritime nationalism and geostrategic rivalry; fuelling militarisation and endangering freedom of navigation, over-flight and exploitation of natural resources. China's dedicated "terraclaims", land reclamation and island-building spree - enhanced with military surveillance, communications and logistics infrastructure-building in the form of port facilities, military installations and airstrips - have escalated these tensions. China declares that these territories are an integral part of its "core interests", taking an uncompromising stance on the question of sovereignty and its determination to protect the domain militarily. India, although not a South China Sea littoral state, sees both the general principle of the rules-based order and the specific issue of navigation between the Indian and Pacific Oceans as core to its own national interest. Chakraborti and Chakraborty assess the rationale and implications of India's strategies and responses vis-a-vis the South China Sea dispute, and their impact on its overall "Act East" initiative in Southeast Asia policy. They also analyse the implications of India's stance on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), five member-states of which (Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam) are involved in territorial disputes with China in the South China Sea. The analysis focuses on the administrative tenures of both the United Progressive Alliance from 2004 until 2014 and the National Democratic Alliance from 2014 onwards.