This book is the first systematic scientific study of global quasi-legislation. Taking public opinion and multilateral agreements as the international equivalent to national election and passing laws on the national scale, and extending nation-state concepts to a global society, it analyzes citizens' preferences and the state's willingness to enter into 120 multilateral treaties. After identifying the links as a first step toward conceptualizing quasi-legislative global politics, the book examines how each of the 193 states manifests quasi-legislative behavior by factor-analyzing six instrumental variables such as treaty participation index and six policy domains of multilateral treaties, including peace and trade. It then discusses global change between 1989 and 2008, and conceptually and empirically examines the three theories of global politics that originated during that period: the theory of power transition, theory of civilizational clash and theory of global legislative politics. Lastly, it proposes a theory of global legislative politics. Shedding fresh light on the transformative nature of multilateral treaties, this book attracts researchers and students in political philosophy, international law and international relations as well as practitioners and journalists. Inoguchi and Le have developed a genuinely original perspective on world politics, one that opens up a new research agenda for thinking about state and global actors simultaneously.-- Anne-Marie Slaughter, Bert G. Kerstetter '66 University Professor Emerita of Politics and International Affairs, Princeton University This is one of those books that warrant a global readership given its emphasis on the implied trust that we invest in public institutions as viewed from an interdisciplinary perspective. -- Richard J. Estes, Professor of Social Policy & Practice, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania This book is innovative and distinctive in carving out a new way to look at "global legislative politics." I do not know of anything that compares in this interesting and novel niche of international relations analysis.-- William R. Thompson, Distinguished Professor and Rogers Chair of Political Science Emeritus, Indiana University

Including contributors with diverse backgrounds and outlooks, this volume provides an unconventional and provocative look at how Japan is situated in a globally unfolding transition from representative democracy to monitoring democracy. In Japan's case, the transition is unfolding from karaoke democracy to kabuki democracy. Karaoke democracy focuses on collectively redistributing benefits with many intervening institutions whereas kabuki democracy focuses on striking an emotional chord with direct conversations between leaders and citizens. A must read for those interested in knowing where Japan is heading.

This book studies and compares quality of life in 29 countries/societies in Asia: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Brunei, Cambodia, China, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Japan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Korea(South), Laos, Malaysia, Maldives, Mongolia, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, the Philippines, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Tajikistan, Thailand, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Vietnam. We utilize the AsiaBarometer Surveys conducted annually from 2003 through 2008. We focus on the notion of subjective quality of life and conceptualize it as two levels, global and domain. After we explain about the AsiaBarometer Survey Project, we explore current country profile, demographics, lifestyles, value priorities, specific life domain assessment and overall quality of life. We then estimate the independent effects of demographics, lifestyles, value priorities, life domain assessment on the overall quality of life within each society. As well as comparing the results between nations, we look for key generalized characteristics of life quality for the entire and sub-regions of Asia.

For the past three decades, Confucian Asia has been known as a region of wonders. More successfully than any other region in the world, it has expanded its national economies, and integrated those into the global economy. To the rest of the world, this region offers the lesson that poor countries, even with limited natural resources, can achieve rapid economic development and social modernization. To this day, policymakers and scholars have focused on the question of why Confucian Asia has prospered, while other regions have not. Consequently, little is known about how such economic expansion and globalization have affected the quality of citizens lives in the region. This volume, with quality of life in Confucian Asia as its main theme, is the first of its kind seeking to unravel the dynamics and sources of citizen well-being, and to analyze the problems of building nations of well-being in this region."

This book attempts to develop a novel way of conceptualizing regionalism under hyper-globalization. Until recently, regionalism has been often framed in terms of economic interdependence and security connectivity in which sovereign states are the key navigators within the liberal world order. Under hyper-globalization in the third millennium, hyper-globalization forces us to capture global politics at two more levels of measurement at the state level and both there below and there above. First, how 29 Asian sovereign states join multilateral treaty participation to develop their global quasi-legislative types and how citizens' satisfaction with quality of life in 29 civil societies shapes their societal types. Second, relating these two features above and below sovereign states, the book attempts to measure the features and speculate on the futures of four Asian regionalisms (Central Asia, South Asia, Southeast Asia and East Asia) and their prospect of the demographically largest continent called Asia in the twenty-first century. Regionalism is measured by the proclivity of 600 multilateral treaty participation in terms of speed (cautious versus agile), angle (global commons versus individual interests) and strategy (aspirational bonding versus mutual binding), whereas quality of life is measured by citizens' satisfaction with 16 domains, aspects and styles of individual daily life in terms of survival (or materialism), social relations (post-materialism) and public policy preponderance. The book opens an innovative vista to better understand tumultuous global politics. This ambitious volume leverages original survey data on citizen satisfaction and country-level data on treaty accessions to characterize the trajectories of countries in four regions of Asia as they adapt -- or fail to adapt -- to the challenges of globalization in the 21st century and beyond. Readers will learn much about politics from the basic level of the individual citizen to the most comprehensive level of the global system - and about the interactions of politics at all levels. -- Andrew J. Nathan, Class of 1919 Professor of Political Science, Columbia University A wonderful attempt to link a country's domestic development and its adaptation to the global politics. It is truly eye-opening and the findings are likely to significantly shape our understanding of life and global politics. -- Zhengxu Wang, Ph.D. Distinguished Professor, Department of Political Science, Fudan University

This book is a rarity in that it opens a genuinely creative new vista for understanding global politics as distinguished from international politics, enhancing the vision for understanding global subjects such as multilateral treaties and the Covid-19 virus. Six hundred multilateral treaties deposited in the UN are conceptualized as a bundle of quasi-social contracts by sovereign states. A state's participation in multilateral treaties is envisaged as digitized statecraft. Using a state's physical actions and treaties' attributes, 193 profiles of statecraft are analyzed with the implications for the future of global politics. This book demonstrates that multilateral treaties are both a vehicle and an agency in the globalization trend; thus, both state and international actors influence a state's joining multilateral treaties. The book represents a marriage of international law and applied information science. It provides a framework for empirical modeling based on artificial intelligence and analyzes this framework in terms of international law and international relations. This book thus creates a new understanding of global politics.

In this volume the reader will find interesting forms of analysis on Japan just as it was embarking on potentially the most important changes in its political system since 1955, when the Liberal Democratic Party was created through a merger of Japan's two dominant conservative parties of that era. With the old Cold War verities no longer in place, new challenges arose for the Japanese government and Japanese corporations. The challenges of the 1990s include a protracted domestic economic downturn, and the need to begin redefining Japan's international profile in the face of an increasingly powerful China, an ever more desperate North Korea, and shifts in the shared responsibility built into the US-Japan security treaty.

The US remains the leading world power, but across the Pacific, Japan has the world’s second largest economy and great international economic clout. Some voices in the international arena have urged Japan to play more constructive and politically active roles in the international arena. This volume collects essays analyzing the key issues in Japan’s international relations as it heads toward a new world order: the pressing global and regional issues and their domestic implications, the actors, and the major policy directions.

Until now there have been few attempts to examine the different models of federalism appropriate in Asia, let alone to trace the extent to which these different perspectives are compatible, converging, or mutually influencing each other. This book redresses the balance by demonstrating the varieties of Asian federalism. Federalism in Asia explores the range of theoretical perspectives that shape debates over federalism in general, and over territorial, multinational, hybrid, and asymmetric federalism in particular relation to Asia. The contributors share their understanding of how federal or quasi-federal institutions manage ethnic conflicts and accommodate differences, how democratization facilitates the development of federalism and how federalism facilitates or inhibits democratization in Asia. Their conclusion is that hybrid federalism or quasi-federalism is more prevalent in some Asian countries than others; and the need and potential for greater federalism in more Asian countries makes this sortie into this area worthwhile. While federalism is relevant to Asia, the working pattern of Asian federalism does not necessarily follow a Western style. Hybrid federal institutional design can be seen as an Asian strategy of managing ethnic conflicts through federal arrangements. This unique book will be of great interest to a wide range of scholars and researchers who work on issues of federalism, political economy, public policy, ethnic relations, cultural diversity and democratization in the Asian region. Policymakers and activists dealing with issues of minority rights and ethnic conflict in the region, government officials and NGOs within Asia, and officials in international agencies and organizations will also find much to engage them.

This book discusses Japan's international relations prior to 1945 with its focus on war and after 1945 during the Cold War era with its focus on globalization and also examines Japan's international relations as an academic discipline. Part I describes and analyzes (1) how modern Japan coped with the coerced opening of the country, (2) how major powers aspired and alternated their hegemonic positions in East Asia in the extended twentieth century and (3) how global politics has been evolving with the three distinctive paradigms: the Westphalian, Philadelphian and Anti-Utopian. Part II describes and analyzes (1) how Japan foresees the future on the eve of the Cold War: the metamorphosis from Pax Americana Phase II to Pax Consortis, (2) how Japan envisages regionalism in Asia with sub-nationally and functionally articulated ideas for East and Southeast Asia, (3) Japan's 21st century manifesto of foreign policy is presented as the best mix of classical realism, transformative pragmatism and liberal internationalism and (4) Japan's manifesto as an Asian state is to deploy manufacturing/technological statecraft on the basis of East Asian peace. Part III focuses on theorizings of international relations from various angles. In light of hyperglobalization, theorizing global politics (as distinguished from international politics) is called for with two latest studies on global quasi-legislative politics and typology of Asian societies given as examples.

Japan lives twice. Japan belonged to the East before 1962, when The Economist's editorialized, "Consider Japan". It gave the world a warning-cum-welcoming signal to Japan about joining the West. Thereafter Japan belonged to the West in science, industry and international law, whereas Japan was regarded psychologically in the West as belonging to the East in sakura, sushi, and snow country. After 1992, the morning after the bubble collapse, Japan belonged to the new West, not bereft of mishaps and mistakes and embedded with stall and stagnation as the rest of the old West. Yet Japan has been going through the "lost three decades" of muddling through recession and deflation, as if Japan had trod the Dengist path to "hide your strength and bide your time" without loud fanfare. By 2022 Japan will come up quietly as the oasis of stability when the world is struggling with climate change and infectious disease diffusion in addition to its decline from the overconfidence of its own capabilities. Japan has emerged, combining its aggregate niches of technology of its own erstwhile dominant manufacturing, further enhanced by technological prowess obtained by massive foreign direct investment due to sluggish domestic market demand. In examining Japanese politics in comparative angle, this book starts by asking: from the East to the West, and then whither?

Japan's International Relations focuses on three major issues: firstly, Japan's role in relation to its place in the international structure, its economic dynamism and its historical past. Secondly, how Japan's role is manifested in a number of key areas; economic, security, bilateral and regional. Thirdly, Inoguchi analyses the Japan's role in the light of the continuing US-Soviet detente, an enlarged Europe, continuing Pacific dynamism and global economic difficulties. First published in 1991, this title is part of the Bloomsbury Academic Collections series.

This is first integrated book-length account of citizen responses to the new global order. Based on a comprehensive survey, administered at the end of 2000, in nine European and nine Asian countries, this book demonstrates the diverse responses to globalization, within, and between, two of the world's major - and most globally integrated - regions. Globalization, Public Opinion and the State is a pioneering empirical study, drawing on 18,000 interviews across these 18 European and Asian countries supported by the Japanese Ministry of Education. The Asian-Europe Survey is one of the largest of its kind ever conducted, and provides the book with a wealth of novel data on public opinion and social attitudes that identify the linkages between national/regional policy responses and the political and policy orientations of the publics affected. The book uses theoretical insights to situate these public responses and reactions to globalization; and it addresses one question in particular: do nation states matter in how citizens come to view regional and global engagement? Rather than offering another theory about globalization, this book presents much-needed empirical findings that help us decide between arguments about the public impact of globalization cross-nationally. This book breaks new ground as there no other comprehensive study in this field.

This book is about the relationship between citizens and the state. Their relationship has tended to be argued from a top down perspective without systematically examining empirical data about their association. In contrast, Citizens and the State, analyses the relationship from a primarily bottom up standpoint. Using the 18 country cross-national survey (the Asia-Europe Survey) data it examines how citizens relate themselves to the state. Featuring case studies on France, Germany, Spain, Sweden, Britain, Taiwan, Japan, Indonesia, Greece, Italy, Korea, the Philippines, Portugal, Ireland, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, and China, the book systematically examines the relationship by asking three questions: how strongly do citizens identify themselves to the country? how much confidence do citizens place in the state and its institutions? how satisfied are citizens with life and politics? Innovatively, the book attempts to answer these questions by first setting up six types of relationship between citizens and the state via factor analysis of the survey data pertaining identity, confidence and satisfaction then by examining country profiles more closely and beyond the six types. The book will be of interest to students and researcher of political science, political theory, comparative political science, Asian Studies, European Studies and sociology.

This book is a study of the attitudes to political and social life among the citizens of eighteen countries in Western Europe, East and Southeast Asia. Drawing on data from the largest cross-national survey on political culture for the last half a century, this book assesses how political culture differs across the two regions and whether this can be drawn back to a profound difference in basic societal values, or 'Asian values'. Examining geographical, religious and socio-economic factors, the authors discuss whether there genuinely is a common political value in the two regions or a profound difference as these countries move towards modernity.

This original and comprehensive study of the values, norms and beliefs held by citizens of the East and West will appeal to students and scholars of political culture and comparative politics, as well as Asian and European politics.

This is first integrated book-length account of citizen responses to the new global order. Based on a comprehensive survey, administered at the end of 2000, in nine European and nine Asian countries, this book demonstrates the diverse responses to globalization, within, and between, two of the world's major - and most globally integrated - regions.

Globalization, Public Opinion and the State is a pioneering empirical study, drawing on 18,000 interviews across these 18 European and Asian countries supported by the Japanese Ministry of Education. The Asian-Europe Survey is one of the largest of its kind ever conducted, and provides the book with a wealth of novel data on public opinion and social attitudes that identify the linkages between national/regional policy responses and the political and policy orientations of the publics affected.

The book uses theoretical insights to situate these public responses and reactions to globalization; and it addresses one question in particular: do nation states matter in how citizens come to view regional and global engagement? Rather than offering another theory about globalization, this book presents much-needed empirical findings that help us decide between arguments about the public impact of globalization cross-nationally. This book breaks new ground as there no other comprehensive study in this field.

This book is about the relationship between citizens and the state. Their relationship has tended to be argued from a top down perspective without systematically examining empirical data about their association. In contrast, Citizens and the State, analyses the relationship from a primarily bottom up standpoint. Using the 18 country cross-national survey (the Asia-Europe Survey) data it examines how citizens relate themselves to the state. Featuring case studies on France, Germany, Spain, Sweden, Britain, Taiwan, Japan, Indonesia, Greece, Italy, Korea, the Philippines, Portugal, Ireland, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, and China, the book systematically examines the relationship by asking three questions: how strongly do citizens identify themselves to the country? how much confidence do citizens place in the state and its institutions? how satisfied are citizens with life and politics? Innovatively, the book attempts to answer these questions by first setting up six types of relationship between citizens and the state via factor analysis of the survey data pertaining identity, confidence and satisfaction then by examining country profiles more closely and beyond the six types. The book will be of interest to students and researcher of political science, political theory, comparative political science, Asian Studies, European Studies and sociology.

This book is a study of the attitudes to political and social life among the citizens of eighteen countries in Western Europe, East and Southeast Asia. Drawing on data from the largest cross-national survey on political culture for the last half a century, this book assesses how political culture differs across the two regions and whether this can be drawn back to a profound difference in basic societal values, or a ~Asian valuesa (TM). Examining geographical, religious and socio-economic factors, the authors discuss whether there genuinely is a common political value in the two regions or a profound difference as these countries move towards modernity.

This original and comprehensive study of the values, norms and beliefs held by citizens of the East and West will appeal to students and scholars of political culture and comparative politics, as well as Asian and European politics.

This volume, edited by a political scientist and a practicing medical doctor, is organized into two parts: interpersonal and institutional trust. To gauge trust both interpersonal and institutional in 29 Asian societies, the AsiaBarometer survey, the best-and only-available such data source in the world was used. The survey, focusing on the quality of life in Asia, was carried out in the 2000s in 29 Asian societies (in East, Southeast, South, and Central Asia), and in the United States, Australia, and Russia for comparative analysis. Trust is a key intermediate variable linking an individual and a broader society. Yet systematically and scientifically assembled data have tended to be narrowly focused on Western societies. In the 2000s non-Western data on the quality of life have steadily increased. The AsiaBarometer survey, however, is the instrument that best examines the quality of life in a large number of Asian societies with nationwide random sampling and face-to-face interviewing, with the number of samples ranging from 1,000 to 3,000. In gauging interpersonal trust, the question, "Generally, do you think people can be trusted, or do you think that you can't be too careful in dealing with people (i.e., that it pays to be wary of people)?" is asked along with additional questions. In measuring institutional trust, the question is asked: "How much confidence do you place in the following institutions?" (Listed are the central government, the courts, the military, the police, political parties, the parliament, mass media, business companies, medical hospitals, and other institutions.) In examining interpersonal and institutional trust Asia-wide, special attention is paid to historical and geo-cultural backgrounds of the societies being surveyed. Examination of the link between trust of mass media and individual health and between trust in medical care and individual health focuses on Japan.Among the 12 chapters, 9 are reprints of journal articles published in the 2000s, and the introduction and 2 other chapters were written especially for this book to reflect the latest progress in the field. This work provides a rich source to be consulted by a wide range of readers interested in comparative politics, quality of life, and Asia in general.

The evolution of Japan's foreign policy at the time of great transformation-cum-transition after World War II is analysed and considered from two angles: a Japan adrift, with an opportunistic, short-term pragmatism, and a Japan determinedly and tenaciously steadfast to its national interests. Inoguchi provides fascinating and balanced accounts of Japan's foreign policy at a time when its premises are seemingly undermined and its domestic and international underpinnings eroding. First published in 1993, this title is part of the Bloomsbury Academic Collections series.

This volume, edited by a political scientist and a practicing medical doctor, is organized into two parts: interpersonal and institutional trust. To gauge trust both interpersonal and institutional in 29 Asian societies, the AsiaBarometer survey, the best-and only-available such data source in the world was used. The survey, focusing on the quality of life in Asia, was carried out in the 2000s in 29 Asian societies (in East, Southeast, South, and Central Asia), and in the United States, Australia, and Russia for comparative analysis. Trust is a key intermediate variable linking an individual and a broader society. Yet systematically and scientifically assembled data have tended to be narrowly focused on Western societies. In the 2000s non-Western data on the quality of life have steadily increased. The AsiaBarometer survey, however, is the instrument that best examines the quality of life in a large number of Asian societies with nationwide random sampling and face-to-face interviewing, with the number of samples ranging from 1,000 to 3,000. In gauging interpersonal trust, the question, "Generally, do you think people can be trusted, or do you think that you can't be too careful in dealing with people (i.e., that it pays to be wary of people)?" is asked along with additional questions. In measuring institutional trust, the question is asked: "How much confidence do you place in the following institutions?" (Listed are the central government, the courts, the military, the police, political parties, the parliament, mass media, business companies, medical hospitals, and other institutions.) In examining interpersonal and institutional trust Asia-wide, special attention is paid to historical and geo-cultural backgrounds of the societies being surveyed. Examination of the link between trust of mass media and individual health and between trust in medical care and individual health focuses on Japan.Among the 12 chapters, 9 are reprints of journal articles published in the 2000s, and the introduction and 2 other chapters were written especially for this book to reflect the latest progress in the field. This work provides a rich source to be consulted by a wide range of readers interested in comparative politics, quality of life, and Asia in general.

This book studies and compares quality of life in 29 countries/societies in Asia: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Brunei, Cambodia, China, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Japan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Korea(South), Laos, Malaysia, Maldives, Mongolia, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, the Philippines, Singapore, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Tajikistan, Thailand, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Vietnam. We utilize the AsiaBarometer Surveys conducted annually from 2003 through 2008. We focus on the notion of subjective quality of life and conceptualize it as two levels, global and domain. After we explain about the AsiaBarometer Survey Project, we explore current country profile, demographics, lifestyles, value priorities, specific life domain assessment and overall quality of life. We then estimate the independent effects of demographics, lifestyles, value priorities, life domain assessment on the overall quality of life within each society. As well as comparing the results between nations, we look for key generalized characteristics of life quality for the entire and sub-regions of Asia.

For the past three decades, Confucian Asia has been known as a region of wonders. More successfully than any other region in the world, it has expanded its national economies, and integrated those into the global economy. To the rest of the world, this region offers the lesson that poor countries, even with limited natural resources, can achieve rapid economic development and social modernization. To this day, policymakers and scholars have focused on the question of why Confucian Asia has prospered, while other regions have not. Consequently, little is known about how such economic expansion and globalization have affected the quality of citizens lives in the region. This volume, with quality of life in Confucian Asia as its main theme, is the first of its kind seeking to unravel the dynamics and sources of citizen well-being, and to analyze the problems of building nations of well-being in this region."

Including contributors with diverse backgrounds and outlooks, this volume provides an unconventional and provocative look at how Japan is situated in a globally unfolding transition in methods of democratic government. In Japan's case, the country is making a transition from "karaoke democracy" to "kabuki democracy." Karaoke democracy focuses on collectively redistributing benefits among many intervening institutions, whereas kabuki democracy focuses on striking an emotional chord through direct conversations between leaders and citizens. A must-read for those interested in knowing where Japan is heading.

Until now there have been few attempts to examine the different models of federalism appropriate in Asia, let alone to trace the extent to which these different perspectives are compatible, converging, or mutually influencing each other. This book redresses the balance by demonstrating the varieties of Asian federalism. Federalism in Asia explores the range of theoretical perspectives that shape debates over federalism in general, and over territorial, multinational, hybrid, and asymmetric federalism in particular relation to Asia. The contributors share their understanding of how federal or quasi-federal institutions manage ethnic conflicts and accommodate differences, how democratization facilitates the development of federalism and how federalism facilitates or inhibits democratization in Asia. Their conclusion is that hybrid federalism or quasi-federalism is more prevalent in some Asian countries than others; and the need and potential for greater federalism in more Asian countries makes this sortie into this area worthwhile. While federalism is relevant to Asia, the working pattern of Asian federalism does not necessarily follow a Western style. Hybrid federal institutional design can be seen as an Asian strategy of managing ethnic conflicts through federal arrangements. This unique book will be of great interest to a wide range of scholars and researchers who work on issues of federalism, political economy, public policy, ethnic relations, cultural diversity and democratization in the Asian region. Policymakers and activists dealing with issues of minority rights and ethnic conflict in the region, government officials and NGOs within Asia, and officials in international agencies and organizations will also find much to engage them.