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The Gospel of Sri Ramakrishna has an a-historical appeal that cuts
across generations, time periods, geo-social spaces and lifestyle
choices. The text or the person is not the sole belonging of a
particular institution or a group of people. We belong to a
generation that is flippant in our habits and our notions of
Indian-ness and the world, and we flirt with global cultures. And
yet, The Gospel does make sense. One can imagine Sri Ramakrishna,
examining us benevolently, and questioning us about our lifestyles;
never judging us but engaging with us and having a discussion, so
that we ourselves are critically empowered to understand ourselves
better. Sri Ramakrishna is obviously enough, not specific to any
particular nation or community or religious belief. He embraces all
and in this all embracing gesture, reaches out to everyone. His
teachings critique the global dominant notion that we have about
mainstream Hinduism - where Indian-ness and being Hindu is equated
with a repressive concept of moral prudishness. More often than
not, Sri Ramakrishna spoke in riddles, and his saying are self
contradictory, on the verge of being unsolved conundrums - as if
questioning the intelligence of the listener. His guise of an
unlettered rustic, poor Brahmin helped him. As a reader, we can be
thrown off the track if we fall into that trap.
27 Till as recently as two hundred years ago, India was a
manuscript culture meaning that the printed text did not exist.
When the transition took place from a manuscript culture to a print
one, it seems to have taken place with great ease, implying that
the shift was made without much murmurs and complaints from at
least the native, elite sections of society. This book looks at the
emergence of the first printed newspapers in colonial Calcutta,
India (1780-1820).
The focus in this brief essay-book is to retrieve the voice of a
nineteenth century subaltern in Bengal, India, Rani Rashmoni
(1793-1861) and the conditions under which she lived. By having a
dialogue with a subject from the past, by recuperating a history
that has been elided by feminist historians, we are compelled to
conclude that Rani Rashmoni was an agent on her own rights.
Oftentimes, we have to be willing to venture into documented
sources out of the norm in order to create a space from where we
can make ethical contact with the subaltern, even if the subaltern
seems not to have any agency - complying and conforming to most
norms of patriarchy, caste and class. We have to create new
interpretative parameters to read within and into the stories which
create these social matrices that construct the oppressed female
subaltern. More importantly, where do we locate primary or even
secondary material about women who lived at this time period? If
we, as feminists, are willing to broaden our focus on what texts we
are willing to read, then we can sketch out the lives of women who
were living at this time period. It is because of Sri Ramakrishna
(1836-1886), the mystic saint of Bengal, that we know so much about
the life of Rani Rashmoni but why is it that we hear little about
her, or there is little mention of her, outside the works published
on Sri Ramakrishna by the Ramakrishna Mission? When the Britishers
arrived, towards the end of the eighteenth century, were all native
women victims of sati and patriarchy? It is within this premise
that I try to understand the life of Rani Rashmoni, who can be
considered as actively involved not only in philanthropy but also
in business and management. It is at the interstices of the
religious interiority of her life, and the public-ness of being a
member of the rich elite that we have to deconstruct her life. Was
Sri Ramakrishna more a closeted social revolutionary than anything
else, and through his politics of allowing for a lower caste woman
to be his patron, articulating a position that was socially
radical? In the early nineteenth century, through the life of Rani
Rashmoni, we do get to hear the subaltern speak, thus
problematizing the feminist conundrum - can the subaltern speak? If
Rani Rashmoni was after all, a hybrid, westernized female
entrepreneur, under the disguise of conforming within the
patriarchal mould, she was legitimized within mainstream Hinduism
by the presence of Sri Ramakrishna.
In the newly established realm of print culture set up by the
Britishers in the last two decades of the eighteenth century, it
did not take long for the natives to pick up the new technology,
and the English language. This process of exchange and learning was
made possible through close interaction. In this book, I have
looked at the broader canvas of how natives, in the first few
decades of the nineteenth century, were involved in the imperial
realm of print as compositors, writers, booksellers, printers,
teachers and translators, mastering and replicating all aspects of
print culture and technology. My specific focus has been on
Rammohun Roy's engagement with this emerging realm of print, thus
tracing the transition that took place from imperial print to
native print. This process of cultural transmission and exchange
did not pass through any phase of mimicry. Here, I argue that the
realm of English native print in Calcutta in the early nineteenth
century was dominated by the writings of Rammohun Roy. I look at
how it was possible for Rammohun to operate within the newly formed
communications circuit that specifically targeted the native
readers. How did printing take place in Calcutta, and who were
involved? How did native entrepreneurs to pick up the new
technology? This book is an attempt to recuperate some sort of
history of the communications circuit that was established for and
by the natives in the early nineteenth century.
The emergence of print culture in colonial Bengal, in the last two
decades of the eighteenth century, under the East India Company, is
largely an untold story. Calcutta would become the capital of the
British empire, and the realm of print culture played an important
role in maintaining and perpetuating British rights to this
colonial territory. The history of how this realm of print culture
evolved in Calcutta is central to this book. Ships that sailed from
England carried books; printing presses were brought all the way
from Europe and with the help of Indians, a realm of imperial print
emerged. How do we understand this engagement between the colonizer
and the colonized? It would be a more meaningful discussion if we
understood power as operating in a more sophisticated manner rather
than simply being imposed upon others in a binary fashion. Those
Britishers who traveled to India were people who were part and
parcel of the Juggernaut of empire making and they were blood and
flesh people and not necessarily heinously mean or cruel. The
intellectual brahminical elite allowed themselves to be
participants in this process, only because they were involved in a
new epistemic shift; the tradeoff must have been fair. It is rather
simplistic to construe the natives as being overpowered or
incapable of resistance of any sort. The realm of early nineteenth
century print culture in Calcutta was a heterogeneous one, where
natives and colonizers engaged with print in a heteroglossic
manner. The sheer fascination with the new-ness of the social and
technological aspects of print culture might have been, after all,
irresistible.
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