Examining some of the most critical issues in Malaysian politics today, including human rights, law and democracy, gender and Islam, this book explores the contours of the contemporary landscape of Malaysian politics, focusing especially on politics among the majority ethnic Malay community.

In particular, the book explains why changes in patterns of political mobilization and the rhetoric of the dominant parties - particularly the PAS and UMNO - have been so limited, despite the overt and growing dissatisfaction shown by Malaysians with the state of their political system and the ability of these parties to represent their interests. It considers the recent history of events and discourses within Malaysian society, and UMNO and PAS, and goes on to analyze why important transitions have occurred in society yet political parties have not adapted themselves to these changes and remained reticent about instituting meaningful reforms involving these matters.

This volume studies the outcomes of the two-way flow of investments and people between China and India, and Southeast Asia. These cross-border flows have led to new settlements in Southeast Asia from which new outlooks have emerged among locally born generations that have given rise to new forms of solidarity and identification.The advent of new generations of ethnic Chinese and Indians in Southeast Asia, with no ties to China or India, has spawned important debates about identity shifts which have not been registered by government leaders in Southeast Asia, China and India, as reflected in policy statements and investment patterns. Identity changes are assessed in forms where they best manifest themselves: in social life and in business ventures forged, or unsuccessfully nurtured, through tie-ups involving foreign and domestic capital. A state-society distinction is employed to determine how the governments of these rapidly developing countries envision development, through state intervention as well as with the employment of highly entrepreneurial ethnic groups, and the outcomes of this on their societies and on their economies. The chapters were originally published as a special issue in The Round Table.

This book provides an overview of the current state of Malaysia, looking at political and economic developments and at governance, and discussing the impact of ethnicity, patronage and the reform movement. Apart from discussing issues such as Islamisation and identity transformations within Malaysian society, it reviews policies like privatisation and provides an examination of business enterprise, exploring how control of 'corporate Malaysia' is interlinked with political developments. This study's primary focus is an analysis of why the reform movement failed to secure substantial support in the late 1990s even though many Malaysians then appeared ready to hold the government accountable for its poor record of a democratic and transparent form of governance. This volume also assesses the likelihood of change as a result of the retirement of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad

This is a study of Malaysia's new political economy, with a focus on ownership and control of the corporate sector. It offers a pioneering assessment of government-linked investment companies (GLICs), a type of state-owned institution that has long prevailed in the corporate sector but has not been analysed. Malaysia's history of government-business ties is unique, while the nature of the nexuses between the state and the corporate sector has undergone major transitions. Corporate power has shifted from the hands of foreign firms to the state to the ruling party, and well-connected businessmen, and back to the state. Corporate wealth is now heavily situated in the leading publicly-listed government-linked companies (GLCs), controlled through block shareholdings by a mere seven GLICs under the jurisdiction of the Minister of Finance. To indicate why these GLICs are important actors in Corporate Malaysia, this study provides a deep assessment of their ownership and control of Bursa Malaysia's top 100 publicly-listed enterprises.

This book examines state-state relations and new forms of state business relations that have emerged with an increase in China's foreign direct investments in Malaysia. Focusing on investments in the industrial sector and through in-depth case studies, this book adopts a novel framework to analyse these different types of state-business relations. These new forms of state-business relations are created from the different modes of negotiations between different key actors in each of the cases. Diverse outcomes were found, reflecting the disparate forms of power relationships and state cohesiveness with unique institutional architectures formed in each case. The book identifies a major shift in structural power in these new forms of state-business relations as China's large multinational state-owned enterprises increasingly invest in Malaysia. A well-constructed institutional architecture is needed, not just in Malaysia but for other Southeast Asian countries, if foreign investments are to be harnessed to promote effective industrial development.

The 2018 Malaysian General Election will stand as a major defining event in Malaysian history, when the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition unexpectedly lost power in the country they had ruled for over half a century. This volume brings together scholars who assess one fundamental factor that brought about this game-changing event in Malaysian politics: intra-elite feuding in the leading Malay-based political parties. This study provides an analysis of individual state politics as well as national trends shaped by the actions of leaders in government and the opposition. An indispensable guide for scholars studying the politics of Malaysia and of Southeast Asia more broadly, it will be of great interest for all readers with an interest in Malaysian politics.

The debate over how far governments should intervene in economies in order to promote economic growth, a debate which from the 1980s seemed settled in favour of the neo-liberal, non-interventionist consensus, has taken on new vigour since the financial crisis of 2008 and after. Some countries, most of them in industrialised Asia, have survived the crisis, and secured equitable economic growth, by adopting a developmental state model, whereby governments have intervened in their economies, often through explicit support for individual companies. This book explores debates about government intervention, assesses interventionist policies, including industrial and innovation policies, and examines in particular the key institutions which play a crucial role in implementing government policies and in building the bridge between the state and the private sector. The countries covered include China, India, South Korea, Malaysia and Taiwan, together with representative countries from Europe and Latin America.

Presents empirical findings from different South-East Asian countries to demonstrate that Chinese businessmen employ a variety of strategies in their networking, entrepreneurship and organisational and firm development; and concludes that much more research is needed in order to provide a full understanding of Chinese business success.

The debate over how far governments should intervene in economies in order to promote economic growth, a debate which from the 1980s seemed settled in favour of the neo-liberal, non-interventionist consensus, has taken on new vigour since the financial crisis of 2008 and after. Some countries, most of them in industrialised Asia, have survived the crisis, and secured equitable economic growth, by adopting a developmental state model, whereby governments have intervened in their economies, often through explicit support for individual companies. This book explores debates about government intervention, assesses interventionist policies, including industrial and innovation policies, and examines in particular the key institutions which play a crucial role in implementing government policies and in building the bridge between the state and the private sector. The countries covered include China, India, South Korea, Malaysia and Taiwan, together with representative countries from Europe and Latin America.

Chinese companies have managed to perform well in Malaysia, especially after the recession in the mid-1980s, due to a clear change in the Malay dominated government's attitude to Chinese capital. Despite the problems that prevail among UMNO politicians, the government has provided a stable economic environment and offers opportunities for domestic private investment, even for the Chinese. Given these circumstances, it does appear that Chinese capital in Malaysia has reasonable prospects for further growth in the immediate future.

This study examines the dominant role of Chinese capital in the economy, providing in-depth empirical research on its mode of development and styles of operation. Covering the period from colonial times to the present day this study identifies key issues pertaining to Chinese business operations in Malaysia: ownership and control patterns, style of growth, relations with the state, politicians and other Chinese businessmen, and the manner of development of business abroad, whilst debunking the theory that large-scale Chinese capital is not very entrepreneurial in nature.

The controversial work of Amy Chua argues that, as rapid modernization, industrialization, technological change and globalization bring about fundamental changes in national, ethnic and class identities, especially in developing countries, there is a danger that the laissez-faire capitalist system will cause serious racial conflagration, especially in societies where there is ethnic minority market dominance, combined with ethno-nationalist-type politicians who mobilize support from ethnic majority communities by drawing attention to inequalities in wealth distribution. This controversial work goes on to argue for an authoritarian political system, with curbs against the corporate expansion of enterprises owned by ethnic minorities, until parity in equity ownership among all communities is achieved. This book tests the assumptions behind these arguments, discussing ethnic communities, identity, economy, society and state, and the links between them, in a range of countries in East Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific, and diaspora communities of Asian peoples in the West. It demonstrates that identity transformation occurs as generations of minority communities succeed each other, that old discourses of fixed origins which are assumed to bind ethnic communities into cohesive wholes do not apply, that there are very extensive inter-linkages in the daily activities of people of different ethnic and religious backgrounds, that affirmative action-type policies along racial lines can undermine overall societal cohesion, and that there is no case for limiting democracy until economic equity is achieved. This is a rich, important book, with huge implications for economic development and for states throughout the world as multi-ethnic societies world-wide become more extensive and more complicated.

Examining some of the most critical issues in Malaysian politics today, including human rights, law and democracy, gender and Islam, this book explores the contours of the contemporary landscape of Malaysian politics, focusing especially on politics among the majority ethnic Malay community.

In particular, the book explains why changes in patterns of political mobilization and the rhetoric of the dominant parties - particularly the PAS and UMNO - have been so limited, despite the overt and growing dissatisfaction shown by Malaysians with the state of their political system and the ability of these parties to represent their interests. It considers the recent history of events and discourses within Malaysian society, and UMNO and PAS, and goes on to analyze why important transitions have occurred in society yet political parties have not adapted themselves to these changes and remained reticent about instituting meaningful reforms involving these matters.

The controversial work of Amy Chua argues that, as rapid modernization, industrialization, technological change and globalization bring about fundamental changes in national, ethnic and class identities, especially in developing countries, there is a danger that the laissez-faire capitalist system will cause serious racial conflagration, especially in societies where there is ethnic minority market dominance, combined with ethno-nationalist-type politicians who mobilize support from ethnic majority communities by drawing attention to inequalities in wealth distribution. This controversial work goes on to argue for an authoritarian political system, with curbs against the corporate expansion of enterprises owned by ethnic minorities, until parity in equity ownership among all communities is achieved. This book tests the assumptions behind these arguments, discussing ethnic communities, identity, economy, society and state, and the links between them, in a range of countries in East Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Pacific, and diaspora communities of Asian peoples in the West. It demonstrates that identity transformation occurs as generations of minority communities succeed each other, that old discourses of fixed origins which are assumed to bind ethnic communities into cohesive wholes do not apply, that there are very extensive inter-linkages in the daily activities of people of different ethnic and religious backgrounds, that affirmative action-type policies along racial lines can undermine overall societal cohesion, and that there is no case for limiting democracy until economic equity is achieved. This is a rich, important book, with huge implications for economic development and for states throughout the world as multi-ethnic societies world-wide become more extensive and more complicated.

Examining some of the most critical issues in Malaysian politics today, including human rights, law and democracy, gender and Islam, this book explores the contours of the contemporary landscape of Malaysian politics, focusing especially on politics among the majority ethnic Malay community.

In particular, the book explains why changes in patterns of political mobilization and the rhetoric of the dominant parties - particularly the PAS and UMNO - have been so limited, despite the overt and growing dissatisfaction shown by Malaysians with the state of their political system and the ability of these parties to represent their interests. It considers the recent history of events and discourses within Malaysian society, and UMNO and PAS, and goes on to analyze why important transitions have occurred in society yet political parties have not adapted themselves to these changes and remained reticent about instituting meaningful reforms involving these matters.

This book provides an overview of the current state of Malaysia, looking at political and economic developments and at governance, and discussing the impact of ethnicity, patronage and the reform movement. Apart from discussing issues such as Islamisation and identity transformations within Malaysian society, it reviews policies like privatisation and provides an examination of business enterprise, exploring how control of 'corporate Malaysia' is interlinked with political developments. This study's primary focus is an analysis of why the reform movement failed to secure substantial support in the late 1990s even though many Malaysians then appeared ready to hold the government accountable for its poor record of a democratic and transparent form of governance. This volume also assesses the likelihood of change as a result of the retirement of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad

"Chinese Enterprise, Transnationalism, and Identity "focuses on one ethnic community--the Chinese--and examines the variety of issues surrounding enterprise development from national and transnational perspectives, starting with the role played by Chinese entrepreneurs in the 1997 Asian financial crisis.
Using empirical evidence and theoretical debate the contibutors argue that Chinese enterprise is accelerated by intra-ethnic competetion, rather than intra-ethnic co-operation, and that businessmen work in their own interest, not that of the Chinese community, as other literature dealing with the subject suggests. Themes which this book radically reviews include:
* Culture and networks
* Family business
* Ownership and control
* Transnationalism and identity
By carefully tracing the emergence of new generations the contributors suggest that new forms of ethnic identification and of national identity and affiliation have emerged. With its combined analysis of ethnic minorities in Asia and of Chinese business this book will appeal to scholars of Asian and Business studies alike.

Although ethnic Chinese capital has contributed greatly to the postcolonial development of Southeast Asia, scholars and politicians paid scant attention to it until the early 1990s when it became fashionable to assert that Chinese entrepreneurs from Southeast Asia, Taiwan and Hong Kong were collaborating in business ventures responsible for a huge flow investments into China. Today it is widely assumed that Chinese capitalists in the region will have an enormous impact on the global economy in the 21st Century. Studies allege that they run extensive ethnically based business networks that add hugely to their collective muscle. Some say that they will emerge even stronger from the Asian financial crisis that occurred in 1997 and are destined to become a global economic force.
The paucity of empirical studies on the formation and development of even the largest Chinese-owned companies call into question many of the sensational claims made about ethnic Chinese business. Does a handful of deals by atiny number of leading capitalists add up to a 'global tribe'? Does the popular notion of dynamic 'Chinese Capitalism' and a proliferation of intra-ethnic corporate ties among Chinese businesses stand serious examination in the wider Chinese communities of Southeast Asia?
This volume contests the fashionable thesis that the institutions, norms and practices ethnic Chinese help explain the dynamics and growth of Chinese enterprise in Southeast Asia, and challenges the notion that Chinese entrepreneurs have depended primarily on business networks based on shared identities to develop their corporate ideas.

Chinese companies have managed to perform well in Malaysia, especially after the recession in the mid-1980s, due to a clear change in the Malay dominated government's attitude to Chinese capital. Despite the problems that prevail among UMNO politicians, the government has provided a stable economic environment and offers opportunities for domestic private investment, even for the Chinese. Given these circumstances, it does appear that Chinese capital in Malaysia has reasonable prospects for further growth in the immediate future. This study examines the dominant role of Chinese capital in the economy, providing in-depth empirical research on its mode of development and styles of operation. Covering the period from colonial times to the present day this study identifies key issues pertaining to Chinese business operations in Malaysia: ownership and control patterns, style of growth, relations with the state, politicians and other Chinese businessmen, and the manner of development of business abroad, whilst debunking the theory that large-scale Chinese capital is not very entrepreneurial in nature.

In recent years a number of countries have introduced affirmative action programmes in order to put right historical injustices and economic inequalities involving ethnic communities. This book examines affirmative action programmes in a range of countries around the world. It discusses how such programmes came about and how they have been implemented, and examines their effectiveness. Throughout it explores how far affirmative action programmes reinforce ethnic identities and thereby contribute to division and conflict. The countries covered are India, the United States, South Africa, Northern Ireland, Brazil, Malaysia and Fiji.

This is a study of Malaysia's new political economy, with a focus on ownership and control of the corporate sector. It offers a pioneering assessment of government-linked investment companies (GLICs), a type of state-owned institution that has long prevailed in the corporate sector but has not been analysed. Malaysia's history of government-business ties is unique, while the nature of the nexuses between the state and the corporate sector has undergone major transitions. Corporate power has shifted from the hands of foreign firms to the state to the ruling party, and well-connected businessmen, and back to the state. Corporate wealth is now heavily situated in the leading publicly-listed government-linked companies (GLCs), controlled through block shareholdings by a mere seven GLICs under the jurisdiction of the Minister of Finance. To indicate why these GLICs are important actors in Corporate Malaysia, this study provides a deep assessment of their ownership and control of Bursa Malaysia's top 100 publicly-listed enterprises.

This 1997 book is an insightful and accessible analysis of contemporary Malaysian business and politics. Using the concepts of rent and rent-seeking as tools to study the Malaysian political economy, the authors explore how political patronage influences the accumulation and concentration of wealth. The book considers the impact of party politics and economic development on the relationship between politics and business in Malaysia, and provides discussions of government-led change in Malaysia's business community, including the emergence of a Malay business class. In this revised edition, the authors examine how the 1997 Asian currency, liquidity and financial crises have impacted on Malaysia's economy. Their discussion canvasses various economic policy responses, including capital control measures, as well the ensuing economic recession and political turmoil.

In recent years a number of countries have introduced affirmative action programmes in order to put right historical injustices and economic inequalities involving ethnic communities. This book examines affirmative action programmes in a range of countries around the world. It discusses how such programmes came about and how they have been implemented, and examines their effectiveness. Throughout it explores how far affirmative action programmes reinforce ethnic identities and thereby contribute to division and conflict. The countries covered are India, the United States, South Africa, Northern Ireland, Brazil, Malaysia and Fiji.

This book examines state-state relations and new forms of state business relations that have emerged with an increase in China's foreign direct investments in Malaysia. Focusing on investments in the industrial sector and through in-depth case studies, this book adopts a novel framework to analyse these different types of state-business relations. These new forms of state-business relations are created from the different modes of negotiations between different key actors in each of the cases. Diverse outcomes were found, reflecting the disparate forms of power relationships and state cohesiveness with unique institutional architectures formed in each case. The book identifies a major shift in structural power in these new forms of state-business relations as China's large multinational state-owned enterprises increasingly invest in Malaysia. A well-constructed institutional architecture is needed, not just in Malaysia but for other Southeast Asian countries, if foreign investments are to be harnessed to promote effective industrial development.

The 2018 Malaysian General Election will stand as a major defining event in Malaysian history, when the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition unexpectedly lost power in the country they had ruled for over half a century. This volume brings together scholars who assess one fundamental factor that brought about this game-changing event in Malaysian politics: intra-elite feuding in the leading Malay-based political parties. This study provides an analysis of individual state politics as well as national trends shaped by the actions of leaders in government and the opposition. An indispensable guide for scholars studying the politics of Malaysia and of Southeast Asia more broadly, it will be of great interest for all readers with an interest in Malaysian politics.