Unlike some other reproductions of classic texts (1) We have not used OCR(Optical Character Recognition), as this leads to bad quality books with introduced typos. (2) In books where there are images such as portraits, maps, sketches etc We have endeavoured to keep the quality of these images, so they represent accurately the original artefact. Although occasionally there may be certain imperfections with these old texts, we feel they deserve to be made available for future generations to enjoy.

Unlike some other reproductions of classic texts (1) We have not used OCR(Optical Character Recognition), as this leads to bad quality books with introduced typos. (2) In books where there are images such as portraits, maps, sketches etc We have endeavoured to keep the quality of these images, so they represent accurately the original artefact. Although occasionally there may be certain imperfections with these old texts, we feel they deserve to be made available for future generations to enjoy.

Unlike some other reproductions of classic texts (1) We have not used OCR(Optical Character Recognition), as this leads to bad quality books with introduced typos. (2) In books where there are images such as portraits, maps, sketches etc We have endeavoured to keep the quality of these images, so they represent accurately the original artefact. Although occasionally there may be certain imperfections with these old texts, we feel they deserve to be made available for future generations to enjoy.

Taking It to the Streets: Public Theologies of Activism and Resistance is an edited volume that explores the critical intersection of public theology, political theology, and communal practices of activism and political resistance. This volume functions as a sister/companion to the text Religion and Science as Political Theology: Navigating Post-Truth and Alternative Facts and focuses on public, civic, performative action as a response to experiences of injustice and diminishments of humanity. There are periods in a nation's civil history when the tides of social unrest rise into waves upon waves of public activism and resistance of the dominant uses of power. In American history, activism and public action including and extending beyond the Women's Suffrage, the Million Man March, protests against the Vietnam War, the Civil Rights Movement, Boston Tea Party, Black Lives Matter, the Stonewall Rebellion are hallmarks of transitional or liminal moments in our development as a society. Critical periods marked by increases in public activism and political resistance are opportunities for a society to once again decide who we will be as a people. Will we move towards a more perfect union in which all persons gain freedom in fulfilling their potential or will we choose the perceived safety of the status quo and established norms of power? Whose voices will be heard? Whose will be silenced through intimidation or harm? Ultimately, these are theological questions. Like other forms of non-textual research subjects (movement, dance, performance art), public activism requires a set of research lenses that are often neglected in theological and religious studies. Attention to bodies, as a category, performance, or epistemological vehicle, is sorely lacking so it is no wonder that attention to the mass of moving bodies in activism is largely absent. Activism and public political resistance are a hallmark of our current social webbing and deserve scholarly attention.

Taking It to the Streets: Public Theologies of Activism and Resistance is an edited volume that explores the critical intersection of public theology, political theology, and communal practices of activism and political resistance. This volume functions as a sister/companion to the text Religion and Science as Political Theology: Navigating Post-Truth and Alternative Facts and focuses on public, civic, performative action as a response to experiences of injustice and diminishments of humanity. There are periods in a nation's civil history when the tides of social unrest rise into waves upon waves of public activism and resistance of the dominant uses of power. In American history, activism and public action including and extending beyond the Women's Suffrage, the Million Man March, protests against the Vietnam War, the Civil Rights Movement, Boston Tea Party, Black Lives Matter, the Stonewall Rebellion are hallmarks of transitional or liminal moments in our development as a society. Critical periods marked by increases in public activism and political resistance are opportunities for a society to once again decide who we will be as a people. Will we move towards a more perfect union in which all persons gain freedom in fulfilling their potential or will we choose the perceived safety of the status quo and established norms of power? Whose voices will be heard? Whose will be silenced through intimidation or harm? Ultimately, these are theological questions. Like other forms of non-textual research subjects (movement, dance, performance art), public activism requires a set of research lenses that are often neglected in theological and religious studies. Attention to bodies, as a category, performance, or epistemological vehicle, is sorely lacking so it is no wonder that attention to the mass of moving bodies in activism is largely absent. Activism and public political resistance are a hallmark of our current social webbing and deserve scholarly attention.

In this latest demystification of American political life, Thomas Frank shows that populism, far from being the problem of our time, is the cure for what ails us. Tracing the history of this mass democratic movement through the titanic social struggles of the last century, he reveals a force for enlightenment and liberation - indeed, the foundation of American democracy itself, of its promise of a decent life for all. No less important, Frank dissects the purpose of the elite groups that have opposed populism over the decades - the ones who say "the people, no." Following the arc of anti-populism from the frantic days of the 1890s to just last week, Frank describes how its proponents have repeatedly cast hopeful democratic movements in the same harsh light, demonising them with the same fears, defaming them with the same insults. In a claim that is sure to be controversial, Frank shows how anti-populism has actually changed sides, shifting from a doctrine of conservative wealth in the 1890s to the faith of the liberal elite today. Rarely does a work of history contain startling implications for the present, but in The People, No Frank pulls off that explosive effect by showing us that everything we think we know about populism is wrong. The People, No sounds a cautionary note for our time, a warning against the pundits who tell us to fear the plain people, to keep to the path of centrist complacency, to let the experts handle our lives and our future.

With a New Afterword by the Author
"The New York Times" bestseller, praised as "hilariously funny . . . the only way to understand why so many Americans have decided to vote against their own economic and political interests" (Molly Ivins)
Hailed as "dazzlingly insightful and wonderfully sardonic" ("Chicago Tribune"), "very funny and very painful" ("San Francisco Chronicle"), and "in a different league from most political books" ("The New York Observer"), "What's the Matter with Kansas?" unravels the great political mystery of our day: Why do so many Americans vote against their economic and social interests? With his acclaimed wit and acuity, Thomas Frank answers the riddle by examining his home state, Kansas-a place once famous for its radicalism that now ranks among the nation's most eager participants in the culture wars. Charting what he calls the "thirty-year backlash"-the popular revolt against a supposedly liberal establishment-Frank reveals how conservatism, once a marker of class privilege, became the creed of millions of ordinary Americans.
A brilliant analysis-and funny to boot-"What's the Matter with Kansas?" is a vivid portrait of an upside-down world where blue-collar patriots recite the Pledge while they strangle their life chances; where small farmers cast their votes for a Wall Street order that will eventually push them off their land; and where a group of frat boys, lawyers, and CEOs has managed to convince the country that it speaks on behalf of the People.

With his trademark sardonic wit and lacerating logic, New York Times-bestselling author Thomas Frank exposes how, in the last few decades, the American Left has made an unprecedented shift away from its working-class roots. Financial inequality is one of the biggest political issues of our time: from the Wall Street bail-outs - where bankers still received huge bonuses while thousands of people lost their homes - to the rise of 'the One Percent', who between them control 40 per cent of US wealth. So where are the Democrats - the notional party of the people - in all this? In his scathing examination of how the Democratic Party has failed to combat financial inequality, despite being given near perfect conditions for success, Thomas Frank argues that the Left in America has abandoned its roots to pursue a new class of supporter: elite professionals. Under this 'meritocratic' system, the educated middle class prosper, but ordinary workers continue to suffer. Unless the Democrats remember their historic purpose and win back the working class, Frank warns, the rift between America's rich and poor will deepen further still, with dire consequences for both sides.

Three case studies trace the history of urban fraternities in the church state of the 14th and 15th centuries. The central example is Viterbo, a commune on the Via Francigena to the north of Rome, where, after an enthusiastic start, the development of flagellant and other fraternities displayed a more subdued development in the subsequent course of events. The comparison with Orvieto and Assisi, where economic and political conditions were similar but the ecclesiastical background was very different, indicates that the structure of local churches is the main factor determining the history of late medieval fraternities.

An evocative symbol of the 1960s was its youth counterculture. This study reveals that the youthful revolutionaries were augmented by such unlikely allies as the advertising industry and the men's clothing business. The ad industry celebrated irrepressible youth and promoted defiance and revolt. In the 1950s, Madison Avenue deluged the country with images of junior executives, happy housewives and idealized families in tail-finned American cars. But the author of this study seeks to show how, during the "creative revolution" of the 60s, the ad industry turned savagely on the very icons it had created, using brands as signifiers of rule-breaking, defiance, difference and revolt. Even the menswear industry, formerly makers of staid, unchanging garments, ridiculed its own traditions as remnants of intolerable conformity, and discovered youth insurgency as an ideal symbol for its colourful new fashions. Thus emerged the strategy of co-opting dissident style which is so commonplace in modern hip, commercial culture. This text aims to add detail to a period in the 60s which has hitherto remained unresearched.

Everything we think we know about populism is wrong. Donald Trump. Brexit. European right-wing extremists. All have been accused of populism. But what does this often thrown about, yet generally misunderstood, term actually mean? The real story of populism is an account of enlightenment and liberation; the story of democracy itself, of its promise of a decent life for us all. Here, acclaimed political commentator Thomas Frank takes us from the emergence of the radical left-wing US Populist Party in the 1890s, through the triumphs of reformers under Roosevelt and Truman, to the present day, reminding us how much we owe to the populist ethos. He pummels the elites, revisits the movement's provocative politics, and declares true populism to be the language of promise and optimism. People Without Power is a ringing affirmation of a movement that, Frank shows us, is not the problem of our times, but the solution.

From the acclaimed author of Listen, Liberal and What’s the Matter with Kansas, a scathing collection of interlocking essays perfect for this political moment.

With his trademark sardonic wit and lacerating logic, New York Times–bestselling author Thomas Frank takes us on a tour through present-day America, showing us a society in the late stages of disintegration.

Holding nothing back, Frank skewers both the right and left, and rages about the systematic inequality that led, in 2016, to millions of anxious, ordinary people rallying to the presidential campaign of a billionaire who meant them no good.

For those who despair of the future of America and of reason itself, Rendezvous with Oblivion is a booster shot of energy, reality, and moral outrage.

A "New York Times Book Review" Editors' Choice

From the bestselling author of "What's the Matter with Kansas?," this witty and highly provocative book asks a simple question: How is it possible that the disastrous collapse of the free market economy in 2008 could have heralded a popular revival--of the right?

In "Pity the Billionaire," a brilliant, funny, and disturbing tour de force, Thomas Frank analyzes the sleight of hand involved in the right's resurgence--all the upside-down grievances that have transformed economic suffering into valentines for the rich and powerful. This great chronicler of American paradox dissects the contradictions at the heart of the country's politics, and in this "dazzling" book once again shows himself as "one of the best left-wing writers America has produced" ("The Guardian").

Seit Mitte der 1990er Jahre gewinnen integrative raumorientierte Verfahren der Quartiersentwicklung - beispielsweise im Rahmen des Programms Soziale Stadt - an Bedeutung. Dabei wird jedoch der im Zentrum stehende Raumbezug uber eine territoriale Abgrenzung kommunaler raumlicher Zustandigkeitsbereiche hinaus kaum weiter qualifiziert. Vielmehr erscheint "Raum" als die einzige "gegebene" Variable. Thomas Franke geht in seiner qualitativen Untersuchung der Frage nach, mit welchen raumrelevanten Zielen aus welcher Akteursperspektive der neue Entwicklungsansatz verfolgt wird. Er analysiert, wie die beteiligten Akteure den ihm zugrunde liegenden Raumbezug zwischen "Programmgebiet" und "Alltagsraum" definieren und welche Arbeitserfahrungen damit gemacht werden. Die Untersuchungsergebnisse und sein Modell des "Doppelten Gebietsbezugs" tragen zu einer anwendungsbezogenen Qualifizierung des Umgangs mit "Raum" in der Quartiersentwicklung bei.