After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia under Yeltsin and Putin implemented a political system of "imitation democracy," marked by "a huge disparity between formal constitutional principles and the reality of authoritarian rule." How did this system take shape, how else might it have developed, and what are the prospects for re-envisioning it more democratically in the future? These questions animate Dmitrii Furman's Imitation Democracy, a welcome antidote to books that blandly decry Putin as an omnipotent dictator, without considering his platforms, constituencies, and sources of power. With extensive public opinion polling drawn from throughout the late- and post-Soviet period, and a thorough knowledge of both official and unofficial histories, Furman offers a definitive account of the formation of the modern Russian political system, casting it into powerful relief through comparisons with other post-Soviet states. Peopled with grey technocrats, warring oligarchs, patriots, and provocateurs, Furman's narrative details the struggles among partisan factions, and the waves of public sentiment, that shaped modern Russia's political landscape, culminating in Putin's third presidential term, which resolves the contradiction between the "form" and "content" of imitation democracy, "the formal dependence of power on elections and the actual dependence of elections on power."

This indispensable resource, for teachers of pupils aged 7-13 years, consists of a series of graduated lesson plans aimed at improving children's speaking and listening skills, their self-confidence and their motivation to learn, ultimately leading to better school performance. The scheme was developed and tested in schools during a four year period with over three thousand children and their teachers, and focuses on class and group activities that are enjoyable as well as instructive. All pupils are able to participate regardless of background, academic standing or facility in English, and the skills acquired are central to the National Curriculum for England and Wales Key Stages 2 and 3. Each lesson worksheet includes learning objectives, guidance on preparation and organisation, an activity guide, and follow-up suggestions, all presented in a clear and simple manner to lead the teacher step by step through the session. The materials are grouped into four levels of difficulty which combine to build a powerful range of abilities associated with persuasive and presentational speech, dialogue and debate, as well as developing the children's command, use, and articulation of English. Each level consists of twelve starter lessons suitable for class-based group work, with sections preparing pupils for a variety of class competitions including public speaking, poetry reading and debating. The activities link naturally with other areas of the curriculum, and topics already being studied can easily be incorporated. In a parallel controlled research project highly significant gains in a nationally standardised test of non-verbal reasoning were made over a seven month period by children who followed the activities for one lesson a week compared to those who did not. These were well in excess of what would be expected for their increased age. Particularly high gains were made by children of lesser ability and those for whom English was an additional language. The improvements recorded were later confirmed by the schools' own National Curriculum assessments of progress against targets, where on average the project children exceeded substantially the end of year forecasts made by their teachers.

This indispensable resource, for teachers of pupils aged 7-13 years, consists of a series of graduated lesson plans aimed at improving children's speaking and listening skills, their self-confidence and their motivation to learn, ultimately leading to better school performance. The scheme was developed and tested in schools during a four year period with over three thousand children and their teachers, and focuses on class and group activities that are enjoyable as well as instructive. All pupils are able to participate regardless of background, academic standing or facility in English, and the skills acquired are central to the National Curriculum for England and Wales Key Stages 2 and 3. Each lesson worksheet includes learning objectives, guidance on preparation and organisation, an activity guide, and follow-up suggestions, all presented in a clear and simple manner to lead the teacher step by step through the session. The materials are grouped into four levels of difficulty which combine to build a powerful range of abilities associated with persuasive and presentational speech, dialogue and debate, as well as developing the children's command, use, and articulation of English. Each level consists of twelve starter lessons suitable for class-based group work, with sections preparing pupils for a variety of class competitions including public speaking, poetry reading and debating. The activities link naturally with other areas of the curriculum, and topics already being studied can easily be incorporated. In a parallel controlled research project highly significant gains in a nationally standardised test of non-verbal reasoning were made over a seven month period by children who followed the activities for one lesson a week compared to those who did not. These were well in excess of what would be expected for their increased age. Particularly high gains were made by children of lesser ability and those for whom English was an additional language. The improvements recorded were later confirmed by the schools' own National Curriculum assessments of progress against targets, where on average the project children exceeded substantially the end of year forecasts made by their teachers.

It is impossible to think of Russia today without thinking of Vladimir Putin. More than any other major national leader, he personifies his country in the eyes of the outside world, and dominates Western media coverage. In Russia itself, he is likewise the centre of attention for detractors and supporters alike. But as Tony Wood argues, in order to understand Russia today, the West needs to shake off its obsession with Putin and look at what lies beyond the Kremlin, to see Russia without Putin. In this timely and provocative analysis, Wood looks beyond Putin to explore the profound changes Russia has undergone since 1991. He shows that Russia is not strong but desperately trying to create a space for itself in an increasingly globalized and competitive world, Putin's reign is based on very thin ice; he is highly dependent on a small handful of powerful men who prop him up. Beyond the rich suburbs of Moscow, Russia is a country that is only surviving because of what remains of the soviet economy and culture rather than being held back by it. Wood reconsiders what kind of country has emerged from Russia's post-Soviet transformations. The introduction of the market in the 1990s was a failure than descended into kleptocracy. He shows that the revival of a new cold war is a myth. Russia's incursions into Syria, Ukraine and questions of collusion into western states are a sign of desperation rather than agression. Russia without Putin culminates with reflections on the paths Russia might take in the 21st century following Putin's re-election in March 2018. How will he placate the oligarchs who control the economy and how will he manage his succession, and protect his legacy?

It is impossible to think of Russia today without thinking of Vladimir Putin. More than any other major national leader, he personifies his country in the eyes of the outside world, and dominates Western media coverage. In Russia itself, he is likewise the centre of attention for detractors and supporters alike. But as Tony Wood argues, in order to understand Russia today, the West needs to shake off its obsession with Putin and look at what lies beyond the Kremlin, to see Russia without Putin. In this timely and provocative analysis, Wood looks beyond Putin to explore the profound changes Russia has undergone since 1991. He shows that Russia is not strong but desperately trying to create a space for itself in an increasingly globalized and competitive world, Putin's reign is based on very thin ice; he is highly dependent on a small handful of powerful men who prop him up. Beyond the rich suburbs of Moscow, Russia is a country that is only surviving because of what remains of the soviet economy and culture rather than being held back by it. Wood reconsiders what kind of country has emerged from Russia's post-Soviet transformations. The introduction of the market in the 1990s was a failure than descended into kleptocracy. He shows that the revival of a new cold war is a myth. Russia's incursions into Syria, Ukraine and questions of collusion into western states are a sign of desperation rather than agression. Russia without Putin culminates with reflections on the paths Russia might take in the 21st century following Putin's re-election in March 2018. How will he placate the oligarchs who control the economy and how will he manage his succession, and protect his legacy?

Transnational Communism across the Americas offers an innovative approach to the study of Latin American communism. It convincingly illustrates that communist parties were both deeply rooted in their own local realities and maintained significant relationships with other communists across the region and around the world. The essays in this collection use a transnational lens to examine the relationships of the region's communist parties with each other, their international counterparts, and non-communist groups dedicated to anti-imperialism, women's rights, and other causes. Topics include the shifting relationship between Mexican communists and the Comintern, Black migrant workers in the Caribbean, race relations in Cuba, Latin American communists in the USSR, Luis Carlos Prestes in Brazil, the US and Puerto Rican communist and nationalist parties, peace activist networks in Latin America, communist women in Guatemala, transnational student groups, and guerrillas in El Salvador. Insightful and expert, Transnational Communism across the Americas illuminates the various Latin American communist parties and their milieus, programs, and policies. Contributors: Marc Becker, Jacob Blanc, Tanya Harmer, Patricia Harms, Lazar Jeifets, Victor Jeifets, Adriana Petra, Margaret M. Power, Frances Peace Sullivan, Tony Wood, Kevin A. Young, and Jacob Zumoff