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block possible Soviet expansion by mobilizing European
"democracies," the policy soon extended to some developing
countries in Asia and Latin America. In response, the USSR
gradually initiated development programs for newly independent
nations in Asia and Africa. In this context, super power rivalry
operated in the South to (i) expand spheres of influence and
control; (ii) guard Southern nations from the influence and
incursions launched by the opposed camp; (iii) stimulate indigenous
development. With few exceptions, Southern nations provided little
input to the definition and execution of North-South dynamics
during this period. In the case of Africa and to some extent Asia,
the acquisition of independence was so recent and often sudden that
there was little time to reflect on the kind of policies and
measures needed to build bal anced relations with the former mother
country. In Latin America, the Monroe Doctrine had long insured
that the region was a virtual captive of the US. Aid for
development was contingent on conformity to US political and
economic interests. The cognitive component of South-North dealings
strongly reflected the two above mentioned dispositions. The
relative lack of political experience in the South. and the dearth
of an organized and sizable intellectual/academic community, meant
that there were few cognitive and human resources for undertaking
careful study and analysis of the conditions and needs of develop
ment from a Southern perspective (influential exceptions existed
though, such as Raul Prebisch in Latin America or Ghandi in
India)."
This volume looks at the role of universities in the National
Innovation Systems in economies of the Asia Pacific. It examines
the tremendous growth of human and knowledge capital made possible
by teaching and research excellence in major universities, along
with how universities are being re-positioned as frontiers of
innovation in the National Systems of Innovation. The chapters
assess the impact of globalisation and innovation together with the
emergence of 'new' knowledge sites extended to the Asia Pacific
region. With contributions by experts and academics and key case
studies, this book will be useful to scholars and researchers in
higher education, development studies, public policy, economics,
business and resource management, Asian studies as well as
policymakers.
This volume looks at the role of universities in the National
Innovation Systems in economies of the Asia Pacific. It examines
the tremendous growth of human and knowledge capital made possible
by teaching and research excellence in major universities, along
with how universities are being re-positioned as frontiers of
innovation in the National Systems of Innovation. The chapters
assess the impact of globalisation and innovation together with the
emergence of 'new' knowledge sites extended to the Asia Pacific
region. With contributions by experts and academics and key case
studies, this book will be useful to scholars and researchers in
higher education, development studies, public policy, economics,
business and resource management, Asian studies as well as
policymakers.
block possible Soviet expansion by mobilizing European
"democracies," the policy soon extended to some developing
countries in Asia and Latin America. In response, the USSR
gradually initiated development programs for newly independent
nations in Asia and Africa. In this context, super power rivalry
operated in the South to (i) expand spheres of influence and
control; (ii) guard Southern nations from the influence and
incursions launched by the opposed camp; (iii) stimulate indigenous
development. With few exceptions, Southern nations provided little
input to the definition and execution of North-South dynamics
during this period. In the case of Africa and to some extent Asia,
the acquisition of independence was so recent and often sudden that
there was little time to reflect on the kind of policies and
measures needed to build bal anced relations with the former mother
country. In Latin America, the Monroe Doctrine had long insured
that the region was a virtual captive of the US. Aid for
development was contingent on conformity to US political and
economic interests. The cognitive component of South-North dealings
strongly reflected the two above mentioned dispositions. The
relative lack of political experience in the South. and the dearth
of an organized and sizable intellectual/academic community, meant
that there were few cognitive and human resources for undertaking
careful study and analysis of the conditions and needs of develop
ment from a Southern perspective (influential exceptions existed
though, such as Raul Prebisch in Latin America or Ghandi in
India)."
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