The last decade has seen radical changes in the way we are governed. Reforms such as the Human Rights Act and devolution have led to the replacement of one constitutional order by another. This book is the first to describe and analyse Britain's new constitution, asking why it was that the old system, seemingly hallowed by time, came under challenge, and why it is being replaced. The Human Rights Act and the devolution legislation have the character of fundamental law. They in practice limit the rights of Westminster as a sovereign parliament, and establish a constitution which is quasi-federal in nature. The old constitution emphasised the sovereignty of Parliament. The new constitution, by contrast, emphasises the separation of powers, both territorially and at the centre of government. The aim of constitutional reformers has been to improve the quality of government. But the main weakness of the new constitution is that it does little to secure more popular involvement in politics. We are in the process of becoming a constitutional state, but not a popular constitutional state. The next phase of constitutional reform, therefore, is likely to involve the creation of new forms of democratic engagement, so that our constitutional forms come to be more congruent with the social and political forces of the age. The end-point of this piecemeal process might well be a fully codified or written constitution which declares that power stems not from the Queen-in Parliament, but, instead, as in so many constitutions, from 'We, the People'. The old British constitution was analysed by Bagehot and Dicey. In this book Vernon Bogdanor charts the significance of what is coming to replace it. The expenses scandal shows up grave defects in the British constitution. Vernon Bogdanor shows how the constitution can be reformed and the political system opened up in'The New British Constitution'.

The turbulent years of 1895 to 1914 changed Britain's political landscape for ever. They saw a transition from aristocratic rule to mass politics and heralded a new agenda which still dominates today. The issues of the period - economic modernisation, social welfare and equality, secondary and technical education, a new role for Britain in the world - were complex and difficult. Indeed, they proved so thorny that despite the efforts of the Edwardians they remain among the most pressing problems we face in the twenty-first century. The period has often been seen as one of decadence, of the strange death of liberal Britain. In contrast, Vernon Bogdanor believes that the robustness of Britain's parliamentary and political institutions and her liberal political culture, with the commitment to rational debate and argument, were powerful enough to carry her through one of the most trying periods of her history and so make possible the remarkable survival of liberal Britain. In this wide-ranging and sometimes controversial survey, one of our pre-eminent political historians dispels the popular myths that have grown up about this critical period in Britain's story and argues that it set the scene for much that is laudable about our nation today.

Brexit means exit, but what exactly will we be leaving behind? Entry into the European Community in 1973 was a momentous event – one which had seismic effects on the politics and constitution of Britain. Brexit, while equally as momentous, has almost wholly been confined to discussions of economic consequence. But what will happen to the constitution? Beyond Brexit looks for the first time at the constitutional impact of Brexit and the consequences of Britain’s EU membership, raising the question of just how the United Kingdom is to be preserved. Vernon Bogdanor explores the ever-changing relationship between Britain and the European Union from the original concept of European unity to 21st century Euroscepticism, the fundamental problems confronting Britain on its exit from the European Union, and argues that Brexit is the start of new beginnings – heralding a peaceful constitutional moment. The new preface includes what questions need to be asked now that Britain has started the process of leaving the European Union.

The issue of devolution has often been one for polemic rather than reasoned analysis.This title places developments in the United Kingdom in their historical context, examining political and constitutional aspects of devolution in Britain from Gladstone's espousal of Home Rule in 1886 right up to the 1998 legislation governing the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Assembly. As well as considering what devolution will mean for Scotland and Wales, and how it will work in practice, Vernon Bogdanor discusses parallels with earlier devolution debates, giving special attention to the issue of Irish Home Rule which dominated British politics from 1886 to 1914. He also examines the experience of devolution in Northern Ireland and analyzes the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, as well as considering the impact and implications of the new arrangements for the government of London under the Mayoral system implemented in May 2000. Devolution in the United Kingdom cuts across the boundaries of disciplines such as history, political science, and law, and will be required reading for anyone seeking to understand the significance of the most important constitutional development of our time.

Increasingly, in contemporary British politics, the spotlight is being thrown on issues of constitutional change and reform. The late 1990s has marked a period of significant constitutional change and political reform. The varied contributions in this book, from leading scholars in the fields of politics and constitutional law, tackle the key questions troubling politicians and observers of politics in this time of acute constitutional change. This book is a tribute to the diverse scholarship of Geoffrey Marshall, who has been an outstanding figure the study of law and politics, and a writer of extraordinary authority on constitutional matters.

A political scientist and a comparative lawyer have joined forces to produce a revised and expanded version of the late F. E. Finer's classic Five Constitutions. Their book gives the present texts of four important constitutions, the American, German, French, and Russian. It adds the basic political structure of the European Union, and provides a full account of the British constitution in the terms revealed by examination of the other texts. A general chapter on comparing constitutions is complemented by careful analytical and alphabetical indexes. This work is a useful reference work for academics and scholars interested in comparative constitutions, politics, and law.

This book was first published in 1983. Since 1945, British politics has been dominated by a two-party system. Yet this has been challenged with the electoral performance of the two major parties declining since years ago when, between them, they secured over ninety-five per cent of the popular vote. The purpose of Multi-part Politics and the Constitution is twofold: first to examine the reasons for the growth of multi-party politics in Britain, secondly to consider its constitutional consequences. In the first part of the book, Vernon Bogdanor considers the challenges to the two-party system and analyses the role of the Liberal-SDP Alliance as part of that challenge. The second part evaluates the consequences for British politics of hung parliaments where no one party can claim an overall majority. Such situations are likely to occur with increasing frequency if multi-party politics persists. The role of the monarch and the working of coalition and minority governments are discussed and the argument is illustrated by examples from British history and from continental, especially Scandinavian, experience.

This book offers a comprehensive critique of the historical debate on the referendum and electoral reform in British politics from the nineteenth century to 1981. The book falls into two parts. First, the role of the referendum in political debate since the beginning of the century is discussed and a detailed analysis of the referendums of the 1970s is presented. Vernon Bogdanor then clarifies both the benefits and the difficulties involved in the wider use of the referendum. In the second part of the book, he examines proposals for electoral reform since 1830 and considers the attitudes of the parties towards it today. The different forms of proportional representation are discussed and the consequences of adopting them in Britain assessed. The People and the Party System is written in clear, non-technical language and is intended for the general reader. It makes an important contribution to a vital debate and will be of interest to all those concerned with British politics.

The history of Britain's complex relationship with Europe, untangled "The best short introduction to both the political realignment that produced the 2016 Referendum result and the immense fallout since."-CapX, "Books of the Year" (2020) "[A] cool-headed, fair, and judicious analysis of Britain and the EU at a decisive period in history"- Thomas Gallagher, Brexit-Watch.org Is Britain a part of Europe? The British have been ambivalent on this question since the Second World War, when the Western European nations sought to prevent the return of fascism by creating strong international ties throughout the Continent. Britain reluctantly joined the Common Market, the European Community, and ultimately the European Union, but its decades of membership never quite led it to accept a European orientation. In the view of the distinguished political scientist Vernon Bogdanor, the question of Britain's relationship to Europe is rooted in "the prime conflict of our time," the dispute between the competing faiths of liberalism and nationalism. This concise, expertly guided tour provides the essential background to the struggle over Brexit.

In the increasingly questioning world of the 1990s, the role of the monarchy in a democracy is again coming under scrutiny. Its critics argue that the monarchy is a profoundly conservative institution which serves to inhibit social change; that it has outlived its usefulness; that it symbolizes and reinforces deference and hierarchy; and that its radical reform is therefore long overdue.
Rejecting these arguments, Vernon Bogdanor makes a powerful case for the positive role that monarchy plays in modern democratic politics. Ranging across law, politics, and history he argues that far from undermining democracy, the monarchy sustains and strengthens democratic institutions; that constitutional monarchy is a form of government that ensures not conservatism but legitimacy.
The first serious examination of the political role of the monarchy to appear in many years, this book will make fascinating reading for all those interested in the monarchy and the future of British politics.

In the increasingly questioning world of the 1990s, the role of the monarchy in a democracy is again coming under scrutiny. Its critics argue that the monarchy is a profoundly conservative institution which serves to inhibit social change; that it has outlived its usefulness; that it symbolizes and reinforces deference and hierarchy; and that its radical reform is therefore long overdue.
Rejecting these arguments, Vernon Bogdanor makes a powerful case for the positive role that monarchy plays in modern democratic politics. Ranging across law, politics, and history he argues that far from undermining democracy, the monarchy sustains and strengthens democratic institutions; that constitutional monarchy is a form of government that ensures not conservatism but legitimacy.
The first serious examination of the political role of the monarchy to appear in many years, this book will make fascinating reading for all those interested in the monarchy and the future of British politics.

Originally published in 1983, Democracy and Elections analyses the main electoral systems of modern democracies, and places them in their institutional and historical context. A distinguished group of contributors provide interpretations of the electoral systems of the EEC countries and Japan, and assess the ways in which different electoral systems affect the political practice of each country. If the book has a single theme, it is that one should be sceptical about attributing fixed qualities to electoral systems. Although amongst the quantifiable of political phenomena, they do not conform to mechanistic rules, but must be understood in terms of the historical experience and cultural outlook of different societies. What is striking is the great variety of ways in which different countries have attempted to meet the problem of translating votes into seats.

Benjamin Disraeli famously said, "England does not love coalitions," but 2010 saw the first peace-time coalition in Britain since the 1930s. The coalition, moreover, may well not be an aberration, for there are signs that, with the rise in strength of third parties, hung parliaments are more likely to recur than in the past. Perhaps, therefore, the era of single-party majority government, to which the British have become accustomed since 1945, is coming to an end. But is the British constitution equipped to deal with coalition? Are alterations in the procedures of parliament or government needed to cope with it? The inter-party agreement between the coalition partners proposes a wide ranging series of constitutional reforms, the most important of which are fixed-term parliaments and a referendum on the alternative vote electoral system to be held in May 2011. The coalition is also proposing measures to reduce the size of the House of Commons, to directly elect the House of Lords, and to strengthen localism. These reforms, if implemented, will permanently alter the way the British are governed. This book analyzes the significance of coalition government for Britain and of the momentous constitutional reforms which the coalition is proposing. In doing so, it penetrates the cloud of polemic and partisanship to provide an objective analysis for the informed citizen.

The British constitution, long considered entrenched by tradition and history, has, since 1997, undergone a process unique in the democratic world: piecemeal transformation from uncodified to codified status. This process, spear-headed by the Human Rights Act and devolution to the non-English parts of the UK (at present there exists neither the political will nor the consensus to go further) has created a new constitution, characterized by the limitation of the powers of Parliament. The Human Rights Act and the devolution legislation, having the character of fundamental law, in practice limit the rights of Westminster as a sovereign parliament, and establish a constitution which is quasi-federal in nature. And though these reforms, together with Britain's membership of the EU, do little to secure more popular involvement in politics, they nevertheless serve to replace one constitution by another. The next phase of constitutional reform is likely to involve the creation of new forms of democratic engagement, so that Britain's constitutional forms come to be more congruent with the social and political forces of the age. The end-point of this piecemeal process might well be a fully codified or written constitution which declares that power stems not from the Queen-in-Parliament, but, instead, as so many constitutions do, from 'we the people.' This new book, by one of Britain's most respected and experienced constitutional commentators, charts the emergence and significance of these reforms, and evaluates their success as part of a larger historical shift towards the constitutionalizing of British democracy. While opinion is sharply divided as to the way forward, the author argues that former Prime Minister Tony Blair's most permanent legacy may well prove to be his championing of a new British constitution. Those seeking an authoritative insight into the state of that constitution need look no further. This eagerly awaited text by Vernon Bogdanor, the UK's leading expert in this area will be an invaluable source of information for scholars, students, politicians, journalists, and policy-makers.

'Joined- up government' is a key theme of modern government. The Labour government, first elected in 1997, decided that intractable problems such as social exclusion, drug addiction and crime could not be resolved by any single department of government. Instead, such problems had to be made the object of a concerted attack using all the arms of government - central and local government and public agencies, as well as the private and voluntary sectors. This book seeks to analyse 'joined-up government', to consider its history, and to evaluate its consequences for British institutions such as the Cabinet, the civil service and local authorities. Is joined-up government a new idea, or merely a new label for a very old idea? What lessons can be learnt from previous attempts at joined-up government? How does it affect our traditional constitutional conceptions relating to Cabinet government, a politically neutral and non-partisan civil service, and an independent system of local government? Will it lead to the concentration of power in 10 Downing Street or is it compatible with a political system based on checks and balances? Drawing together papers given at a conference held at the British Academy, Joined-Up Government provides a broad overview of one of the most significant aspects in modern government. Its contributors include not only distinguished academics, but also those who have themselves been engaged as practitioners in developing joined-up programmes. This book will be indispensable to all those who seek to understand how new developments in government are affecting our lives.

This is the first scholarly survey of the British constitution in the twentieth century. Indeed, it fills a very real gap in the history of Britain during the last hundred years. The book is a product of interdisciplinary collaboration by a distinguished group of constitutional lawyers, historians and political scientists, and draws where possible on primary sources. Its evaluation of the recent constitutional reforms will be of particular interest. This major interpretation of the constitution will remain authoritative for many years.