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This volume invites scholars of the Catholic and Protestant
Reformations to incorporate recent advances in transnational and
transregional history into their own field of research, as it seeks
to unravel how cross-border movements shaped reformations in early
modern Europe. Covering a geographical space that ranges from
Scandinavia to Spain and from England to Hungary, the chapters in
this volume apply a transregional perspective to a vast array of
topics, such as the history of theological discussion, knowledge
transfer, pastoral care, visual allegory, ecclesiastical
organization, confessional relations, religious exile, and
university politics.The volume starts by showing in a first part
how transfer and exchange beyond territorial circumscriptions or
proto-national identifications shaped many sixteenth-century
reformations. The second part of this volume is devoted to the
acceleration of cultural transfer that resulted from the
newly-invented printing press, by translation as well as
transmission of texts and images. The third and final part of this
volume examines the importance of mobility and migration in causing
transregional reformations. Focusing on the process of 'crossing
borders' in peripheries and borderlands, all chapters contribute to
the de-centering of religious reform in early modern Europe. Rather
than princes and urban governments steering religion, the early
modern reformations emerge as events shaped by authors and
translators, publishers and booksellers, students and professors,
exiles and refugees, and clergy and (female) members of religious
orders crossing borders in Europe, a continent composed of
fractured states and regions.
Who was Jacob Latomus? What did he write in the series of lectures
to which Luther penned an answer in 1521, an answer which is now so
central to many interpretations of the great reformer? And how is
the reading of that answer affected when it is preceded by an
interpretation of what Latomus wrote? The study goes through the
most important parts of Latomus' treatise against Luther (1521).
The aim is to identify Latomus' theological convictions and thus to
pin down who and what Luther was up against. The second and major
part of the book is a reading of Luther's pamphlet against Latomus
(1521). Parallels are drawn with Latomus' theology in order to
facilitate as much as possible an appreciation of the differences
between the two.The comparison between the two theologians shows
that they speak completely different languages and that their
viewpoints do not square at all. Basically their ways depart in
their understanding of God's word and how it is communicated to
man. This generates two ways of perceiving the matter of theology,
and of speaking theologically -- and prevents mutual understanding.
Latomus cannot understand Luther's view of the autonomy of God's
word and the special character of proclamation, and hence a
theology which is incompatible with natural reason. Even though he
accepts a division between a natural and a supernatural
rationality, and thus admits that natural reason has a limit, he
grants the very same natural reason an important role in the ascent
of cognition towards revelation. Everything else - such as Luther's
theology - is a dehumanisation of the human being. Luther, on the
other hand, regards Latomus' theology as a result of the impulse in
sinful man towards ruling and controlling the word of God with his
own inadequate natural abilities. In Luther's eyes that
proclamation of Christ, which in the shape of a human being comes
to man in contradiction of everything human, here disappears in the
twinkling of an eye.
Vordenker der Moderne wie Thomas Hobbes, Baruch de Spinoza, James
Harrington, Christian Thomasius und viele mehr griffen in ihren
politischen Lehren oft auf das Modell des alten judischen
Gemeinwesens zuruck. Entscheidend beeinflusste sie dabei ein
Schrifttum (politia-judaica-Literatur), das in der zweiten Halfte
des 16. Jahrhunderts entstand und Moses Gesetze als politisches
Vorbild darstellte. Markus M. Totzeck legt die erste vollstandige
Untersuchung zur Entstehung dieser Literatur vor. Die antiken
ausserbiblischen Mose-Traditionen bilden den Hintergrund seiner
Arbeit. Diese Traditionen waren in der Fruhen Neuzeit zum ersten
Mal als Druckausgaben erschienen und hatten sich im
Renaissance-Humanismus mit Konzeptionen einer uralten Theologie und
Weisheit (prisca theologia bzw. prisca sapientia) des Mose
verbunden. Totzeck stellt heraus, wie Debatten uber die politische
Relevanz der mosaischen Gesetze spater in der Reformation zur
Entstehung der politia-judaica-Literatur beitrugen. Die ersten
Werke stammten aus der Feder humanistischer Gelehrter, die in
erster Linie ausgebildete Juristen und Historiographen waren,
zugleich aber auch einen mehrheitlich calvinistischen Hintergrund
hatten. Die Nahe zwischen humanistischer Jurisprudenz und dem
Calvinismus pragte die politia-judaica-Literatur in einer ersten
Phase bis zu Petrus Cunaeus Werk De republica Hebraeorum libri III
(1617). Die Verbreitung dieses Buchklassikers des 17. Jahrhunderts
fuhrte den ursprunglichen Rechtsdiskurs in umfangreichere
politische Diskussionen.
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