First published in the 1980s, The Political Psychology of Appeasement contains some of the most influential political journalism of the 1970s. The author, a leading contemporary historian and commentator on international affairs, provides an incisive critique of the weaknesses and inconsistencies of U.S. foreign policy in the 1970s as well as a diagnosis of the malaise of Western Europe. Laqueur's essays range from the subject of Finlandization to the problems of peace in the Middle East and the origins of political terrorism. To each of these areas he brings a deep and compassionate sensibility, the knowledge of a professional historian, and the sharp eye of an experienced journalist. Not only is Laqueur a global thinker, but his thought is undergirded by the experiences of world travel and an intimate knowledge of world leaders. Most of this book's essays are pessimistic because the author addresses his topics bluntly and pragmatically. Many of Laqueur's predictions have been borne out by subsequent events. As he ruefully says in his original preface, there is nothing so conducive to lack of popularity than to be right prematurely. Made timeless by their insightful honesty, his essays teach us about the art of political appeasement and prediction in the modern geopolitical landscape.

Originally published in 1993, Worlds Ago is not only about the politics of the times, but also about the world into which Walter Laqueur was born and raised and the world that shaped him: pre-war Germany in 1921, where he witnessed the rise of the Nazi party. It is a story of families, friendships, and early love; achievements and disappointments; and facing and surviving dangerous circumstances in which many of those close to him lost their lives. It was a world where calm seas and waters were rare and survivors were lucky to escape the engines of war. This memoir further recounts his experience as an agricultural laborer on a kibbutz, in what was Palestine at the time, living among Bedouin and Arab herdsmen, sharing their labor and lifestyle. Laqueur became a journalist and writer in his twenties, and witnessed dramatic events in the Middle East and the emergence of Israel in the aftermath of World War II. He came to know many of the leading figures on both sides who were involved in the establishment of the State of Israel. Walter Laqueur went on to become one of the leading historians and interpreters of the Weimar period in Germany. This new edition, revised to tell his story up until 1948, also includes a new preface and conclusion.

Having been exposed early in life to the dangers of extreme nationalism, journalist and historian Walter Laqueur chose to align his thinking with Victor Hugo's ideal of a "European Brotherhood" where the European nations would merge into a "superior unit" overcoming war and strife. However, as time wore on and consolidating national solidarities seemed ever more impossible, Laqueur became more of a pessimist. Today, he still hopes for unity, but doubts that it will ever come to pass. This volume represents the culmination of thought of a most noteworthy, contemporary historian. Reflections of a Veteran Pessimist is divided into four sections: Europe in Decline, Jews in the Twentieth Century, Russia after the Soviet Union, and Observations. Having lived under the Nazi regime, Laqueur is keenly aware of the dangers posed by strident nationalism in Europe and rampant religious zealotry in the Middle East. Reflecting on the lingering financial crisis in Europe, Laqueur observes its serious consequences-populist movements and growing opposition to European integration. He notes that the influx of refugees resulting from Middle Eastern instability have sharpened the challenges facing Europe and weakened its unity. Laqueur also examines the growth of authoritarian nationalism in Russia and the de facto renewal of the Cold War with the West. Offering fascinating insights into a range of themes across the period, this book is valuable reading for all those interested in twentieth-century European, Russian and Jewish history.

Despite changes in the international constellation since Russia and Germany initially appeared in 1965, the relationship between these two nations remains the most important single issue in European politics and East-West affairs. This study of what Russians and Germans have thought of each other and the fateful consequences of their interacting ideas is of lasting significance.The fact that Russia and Germany have embodied extreme manifestations of the totalitarian plague in the twentieth century. After briefly exploring the historical origins of Russophobia in Germany and of anti-Germanism in Russia, Laqueur reviews in detail the confrontation of Nazism and Bolshevism that culminated in World War II. He deals with the Russian origins of National Socialism and the ideology of the Russian far right from the days of the "Black Hundred" to its recent revival.This edition includes a major new introduction by the author, reviewing developments in the relationship between Russia and Germany in the last 25 years, and speculating about its future. Long out of print, Russia and Germany will be again welcomed by political scientists, students of international relations, and all those with an interest in recent history and current events.

This new collection by Walter Laqueur, one of the most distinguished historians and political commentators of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, vividly brings to life his perspective on fifty years of political life. The essays in this volume deal with events ranging from more than seventy years ago to some that have not yet happened, but may in years to come. Laqueur divides his writings into five main areas: optimism in politics, the topic that unites this volume; Europe; the Arab Spring; Israel and Jewish affairs; and recollections of the past. This volume addresses an increasingly important question: How much optimism do we need in politics? Some neuroscientists believe that many of our assessments rest on an excess of optimism amounting to a dangerous bias. Another school of cognitive scientists sees the main danger in being influenced too much by negative conclusions. Although these competing perspectives have been only rarely investigated, Laqueur argues that such psychological factors play a decisive role in the assessment of political trends, and they should. Laqueur also reminds readers that there is a connection between writing history and commenting on current affairs, but it is not remotely as close and simple as often thought. The idea that the historian is somehow better qualified than others to interpret the present, let alone predict the future, is certainly not borne out by the evidence. Some great historians have been good and reliable political commentators, others have been miserable failures. Laqueur definitely falls in the former camp, as these reflections attest.

The term "Weimar culture," while generally accepted, is in some respects unsatisfactory, if only because political and cultural history seldom coincides in time. Expressionism was not born with the defeat of the Imperial German army, nor is there any obvious connection between abstract painting and atonal music and the escape of the Kaiser, nor were the great scientific discoveries triggered off by the proclamation of the Republic in 1919. As the eminent historian Walter Laqueur demonstrates, the avant-gardism commonly associated with post-World War One precedes the Weimar Republic by a decade.It would no doubt be easier for the historian if the cultural history of Weimar were identical with the plays and theories of Bertolt Brecht; the creations of the Bauhaus and the articles published by the Weltbuhne. But there were a great many other individuals and groups at work, and Laqueur gives a full and vivid accounting of their ideas and activities. The realities of Weimar culture comprise the political right as well as the left, the universities as well as the literary intelligentsia. It would not be complete without occasional glances beyond avant-garde thought and creation and their effects upon traditional German social and cultural attitudes and the often violent reactions against "Weimar" that would culminate with the rise of Hitler and the fall of the republic in 1933.This authoritative work is of immense importance to anyone interested in the history of Germany in this critical period of the country's life.

This is a major survey and assessment of U.S. intelligence activities over the last forty-five years. It offers a systematic and authoritative evaluation of American intelligence-gathering machinery: how it has been used, misused, and on occasion, ignored. The book has been hailed as "a splendid work, reflective and penetrating" by James R. Schlesinger; while Zbigniew Brzezinski describes Laqueur as "a man who understands the relationships between history and the world of secret services." Henry S. Rowen noted that Laqueur "brings a rare degree of analytical power to this important subject."

As the author makes clear, every book has a history; Guerrilla Warfare is no exception. Together with its sequel Terrorism (and two companion readers) it was part of a wider study: to give a critical interpretation of guerrilla and terrorism theory and practice throughout history. It did not aim at providing a general theory of political violence, nor did it give instructions on how to conduct guerrilla warfare and terrorist operations. Its aim remains to bring about greater semantic and analytic clarity, and to do so at psychological as well as political levels.While the word guerrilla has been very popular, much less attention has been given to guerrilla warfare than to terrorism - even though the former has been politically more successful. The reasons for the lack of detailed attention are obvious: guerrilla operations take place far from big cities, in the countryside, in remote regions of a nation. In such areas there are no film cameras or recorders.In his probing new introduction, Laqueur points out that a review of strategies and the fate of guerrilla movements during the last two decades show certain common features. Both mainly concerned nationalists fighting for independence either against foreign occupants or against other ethnic groups within their own country. But despite the many attempts, only in two placesAfghanistan and Chechnya were the guerrillas successful.According to Laqueur historical experience demonstrates that guerrilla movements have prevailed over incumbents only in specific conditions. Due to a constellation of factors, ranging from modern means of observation to increase in firepower. The author suggests that we may witness a combination of political warfare, propaganda, guerrilla operations and terrorism. In such cases, this could be a potent strategy for unsponsored revolutionary change. But either as social history or military strategy this work remains a crucial work of our times.

This book seeks to answer three vital questions about the worldwide response to Hitler's "Final Solution": When did information about the genocide first become known to Jews and non-Jews? Through what channels was this information transmitted? What was the reaction of those who received word of the slaughter? Walter Laqueur's quest focuses on the period between June 1941, when Germany invaded the Soviet Union, and December 1942, by which time the United Nations had confirmed the news about the mass killings in a common declaration. By the end of 1942, Chelmno, Belzec, Auschwitz, Maidanek, Sobibor, and Treblinka were fully operational and two and a half million Jews had already been killed. According to Laqueur, word started to spread soon after extermination began. But there is no easy, straightforward answer to the wider question of why there was a failure to read and correctly interpret the signs in 1941; why so many individuals and governments actually chose to deny the reality of genocide when faced with incontrovertible evidence. A probing and disturbing work, The Terrible Secret explores one of the most perplexing aspects of the Holocaust, a political and psychological riddle of general significance to the understanding of the history of our times.

This book, first published in 1969, surveys Soviet policies and Middle Eastern responses during the turbulent 1960s. It deals with changing moods of Turkey and Iran, the Arab-Israeli conflict in the context of big power rivalry in the Middle East, the Russian naval presence in the Mediterranean, and the new Soviet interest in Gulf oil. The author also reviews the changing orientations of Middle Eastern communism in the new age of polycentrism.

This book seeks to answer three vital questions about the worldwide response to Hitler's "Final Solution" When did information about the genocide first become known to Jews and non-Jews? Through what channels was this information transmitted? What was the reaction of those who received word of the slaughter?

Walter Laqueur's quest focuses on the period between June 1941, when Germany invaded the Soviet Union, and December 1942, by which time the United Nations had confirmed the news about the mass killings in a common declaration. By the end of 1942, Chelmno, Belzec, Auschwitz, Maidanek, Sobibor, and Treblinka were fully operational and two and a half million Jews had already been killed.

According to Laqueur, word started to spread soon after extermination began. But there is no easy, straightforward answer to the wider question of why there was a failure to read and correctly interpret the signs in 1941; why so many individuals and governments actually chose to deny the reality of genocide when faced with incontrovertible evidence. A probing and disturbing work, The Terrible Secret explores one of the most perplexing aspects of the Holocaust, a political and psychological riddle of general significance to the understanding of the history of our times.

The term "Weimar culture," while generally accepted, is in some respects unsatisfactory, if only because political and cultural history seldom coincides in time. Expressionism was not born with the defeat of the Imperial German army, nor is there any obvious connection between abstract painting and atonal music and the escape of the Kaiser, nor were the great scientific discoveries triggered off by the proclamation of the Republic in 1919. As the eminent historian Walter Laqueur demonstrates, the avant-gardism commonly associated with post-World War One precedes the Weimar Republic by a decade. It would no doubt be easier for the historian if the cultural history of Weimar were identical with the plays and theories of Bertolt Brecht; the creations of the Bauhaus and the articles published by the "Weltbuhne." But there were a great many other individuals and groups at work, and Laqueur gives a full and vivid accounting of their ideas and activities. The realities of Weimar culture comprise the political right as well as the left, the universities as well as the literary intelligentsia. It would not be complete without occasional glances beyond avant-garde thought and creation and their effects upon traditional German social and cultural attitudes and the often violent reactions against "Weimar" that would culminate with the rise of Hitler and the fall of the republic in 1933. This authoritative work is of immense importance to anyone interested in the history of Germany in this critical period of the country's life.

First published in 1962, this book examines Germany's Free Youth Movement, a revolt of the younger generation in Germany from 1896 to 1933. This movement was one of the most significant factors in shaping modern Germany. Laqueur, who grew up in Germany, retraces the history of the movement, its central ideas, and its cultural background. He begins with its origins in 19th century, and goes on to examine the Jewish question, before moving on to the movement's roots in Germany around the time of the rise of National Socialism in the late 1920's and early 1930's. This book inspires all the ideas which continue to preoccupy proponents and students of generational conflict today.

This book deals with guerrilla warfare; it does not aim at presenting a universal theory, for such a theory would be either exceedingly vague or exceedingly wrong. The present volume is the first part of a wider study which, the author believes, has not been attempted before - a critical interpretation of guerrilla and terrorist theory and practice

As the author makes clear, every book has a history; Guerrilla Warfare is no exception. Together with its sequel Terrorism (and two companion readers) it was part of a wider study: to give a critical interpretation of guerrilla and terrorism theory and practice throughout history. It did not aim at providing a general theory of political violence, nor did it give instructions on how to conduct guerrilla warfare and terrorist operations. Its aim remains to bring about greater semantic and analytic clarity, and to do so at psychological as well as political levels.

While the word guerrilla has been very popular, much less attention has been given to guerrilla warfare than to terrorism - even though the former has been politically more successful. The reasons for the lack of detailed attention are obvious: guerrilla operations take place far from big cities, in the countryside, in remote regions of a nation. In such areas there are no film cameras or recorders.

In his probing new introduction, Laqueur points out that a review of strategies and the fate of guerrilla movements during the last two decades show certain common features. Both mainly concerned nationalists fighting for independence either against foreign occupants or against other ethnic groups within their own country. But despite the many attempts, only in two placesAfghanistan and Chechnya were the guerrillas successful.

According to Laqueur historical experience demonstrates that guerrilla movements have prevailed over incumbents only in specific conditions. Due to a constellation of factors, ranging from modern means of observation to increase in firepower. The author suggests that we may witness a combination of political warfare, propaganda, guerrilla operations and terrorism. In such cases, this could be a potent strategy for unsponsored revolutionary change. But either as social history or military strategy this work remains a crucial work of our times.

The essays collected in Fin de Siecle and Other Essays on America and Europe cover the political and cultural spectrum of our time, specifically the rise, fall, and reemergence of radical movements of what was once called the extreme left and right. If the essays have a common denominator, it is that they do not join in the chorus of rejoicing after the end of the cold war. When the Soviet Empire collapsed and the cold war came to an end, there was a general celebration similar to the joy expressed after World Wars I and II. Walter Laqueur, in contrast to many of his peers, realized that Russia's and Eastern Europe's road to freedom would be, at best, protracted and arduous with many setbacks. And, as he shows, ten years after the reforms in the communist world, power, such as it is, is again in the hands of the communists, or of nationalists closely cooperating with communists. While they may not be old Stalinists, their style remains authoritarian, and no one can say for certain whether the conversion to democracy is lasting.Throughout Europe the extreme right has reemerged in force in France, Italy, Russia, and Austria these parties are among the strongest. While only a few years have passed since the demise of communism, there is already nostalgia among many in Russia with regard to the good old days, when vodka was cheap and order prevailed in the streets. In the West, the positive aspects of Nazism and fascism are being rediscovered. One might argue that it should have been obvious that the end of the cold war would in many ways create new and greater uncertainties rather than a new world order in international affairs. In certain nations, including the United States, there has been an unmistakable trend toward isolationism.How to explain such attitudes? In a brilliant assemblage of published and hitherto unpublished essays, Laqueur brings his concerns about these issues in a post-cold war environment. Essays include: "The Long Way to Europe," "Russian Nationalism," "In Praise of Menshevism," "The End of the Cold War," "Feuchtwanger and Gide," and "The Empire Strikes Out." Laqueur includes a profile of Andrei Sakharov, who played such a crucial role in the movement of democratic dissent in the Soviet Union. Fin de Siecle and Other Essays on America and Europe will be of significant interest to historians of European and American culture, sociologists, economists, and political scientists.

First published in 1962, this book examines Germany's Free Youth Movement, a revolt of the younger generation in Germany from 1896 to 1933. This movement was one of the most significant factors in shaping modern Germany. Laqueur, who grew up in Germany, retraces the history of the movement, its central ideas, and its cultural background. He begins with its origins in 19th century, and goes on to examine the Jewish question, before moving on to the movement's roots in Germany around the time of the rise of National Socialism in the late 1920's and early 1930's. This book inspires all the ideas which continue to preoccupy proponents and students of generational conflict today.

This extraordinary compendium concerns the future of the Western alliance and the development of the peace movements in Europe and in the United States. The peace movement is an old phenomenon given new life by NATO decisions concerning nuclear deployment in Europe and the Soviet responses along the same lines. After a long postwar marriage, Europeans and Americans alike are reexamining the premises of the Western alliance.The contributors provide a variety of scenarios, extending from the maintenance of the status quo to the complete dismantling of the Western alliance, or at least of its NATO component. In a context of rapid change and new challenges to the democratic bloc, the editors and authors argue for higher levels of economic integration and caution that competition might spill over into political collapse.The work deals with thorny security issues in a frank and policy-oriented way. While each contributor expresses a unique standpoint, a surprising consensus emerges: The need for democratic nations to move toward a higher policy ground in order to preserve the fundamental alliance that led to the postwar consensus to begin with. Some contributors feel this is still possible, others that the time has passed, and that national rather than regional interests will once more prevail.The work contains an extraordinary array of talent from both the American and European perspectives. Among the major contributors and their themes are Henry Kissinger on "A Plan to Reshape NATO"; William G. Hyland on "The European Peace Movement and NATO"; Irving Kristol on "What's Wrong with NATO?"; Theodore Draper on "The Western Misalliance"; Niels Haagerup on "The Nordic Peace Movements"; Martin Ceadel on "The British Nuclear Disarmers"; and Jeffrey Herf on "The SPD and the Peace Movement in West Germany." This is a well-integrated text, with no random essays.

This book, first published in 1969, surveys Soviet policies and Middle Eastern responses during the turbulent 1960s. It deals with changing moods of Turkey and Iran, the Arab-Israeli conflict in the context of big power rivalry in the Middle East, the Russian naval presence in the Mediterranean, and the new Soviet interest in Gulf oil. The author also reviews the changing orientations of Middle Eastern communism in the new age of polycentrism.

This is a selection of essays written during the first decade of the twenty-first century, by a figure widely acknowledged as the conscience of European liberalism. In Walter Laqueur's lifetime, there have been more acutely dangerous situations, such as the coming of a world war or the seemingly unstoppable march to victory of totalitarian regimes, than in any other previous epoch. Such immediate dangers may not exist at the present time. But long-term trends are equally or even more threatening, as we now see in the ability of small groups of people, unprecedented in history, to inflict enormous damage. This is the underlying essence of Laqueur's thinking, as expressed in this new volume. As Laqueur observes, one learns from long experience that the worst does not always happen, and if it does, probably not in one's lifetime. Ideas and intellectual fashions emerging from the groves of academe, particularly in America can seem wrongheaded and often out of touch with the real world. This growing isolation causes growing bitterness, alienation, and a feeling of impotence on the part of intellectuals, which turns into greater radicalization and farfetched thinking. Laqueur fortunately does not fall into this trap. The articles and essays selected for this volume deal with a variety of topics. They do not entirely reflect Laqueur's interests, which during this period were more in the cultural field than in politics. However, politics intrude irrespective of the author's predilections. Laqueur deals with unpleasant truths in concrete geopolitical settings, but poignantly takes his stand with the men and women who strive to overcome self-censorship in the search for accurate judgment.

This is a major survey and assessment of U.S. intelligence activities over the last forty-five years. It offers a systematic and authoritative evaluation of American intelligence-gathering machinery: how it has been used, misused, and on occasion, ignored. The book has been hailed as "a splendid work, reflective and penetrating" by James R. Schlesinger; while Zbigniew Brzezinski describes Laqueur as "a man who understands the relationships between history and the world of secret services." Henry S. Rowen noted that Laqueur "brings a rare degree of analytical power to this important subject."

Despite changes in the international constellation since "Russia and Germany "initially appeared in 1965, the relationship between these two nations remains the most important single issue in European politics and East-West affairs. This study of what Russians and Germans have thought of each other and the fateful consequences of their interacting ideas is of lasting significance.

The fact that Russia and Germany have embodied extreme manifestations of the totalitarian plague in the twentieth century. After briefly exploring the historical origins of Russophobia in Germany and of anti-Germanism in Russia, Laqueur reviews in detail the confrontation of Nazism and Bolshevism that culminated in World War II. He deals with the Russian origins of National Socialism and the ideology of the Russian far right from the days of the "Black Hundred" to its recent revival.

This edition includes a major new introduction by the author, reviewing developments in the relationship between Russia and Germany in the last 25 years, and speculating about its future. Long out of print, "Russia and Germany "will be again welcomed by political scientists, students of international relations, and all those with an interest in recent history and current events.

Young Germany explores the revolt of the younger generation in Germany from 1896 to 1933. It is a readable history of the Free Youth Movement, one of the most significant factors in shaping modern Germany. Laqueur, who grew up in Germany, retraces the history of the movement, its central ideas, and its cultural background.

Today his study is of even greater interest and importance than when it was first published in 1962. In his new introduction to this edition, Laqueur shows that the German Youth Movement can be seen as a precursor of contemporary youth revolt. It inspired all of the ideas which continue to preoccupy proponents and students of generational conflict today.

Originally published in 1993, Worlds Ago is not only about the politics of the times, but also about the world into which Walter Laqueur was born and raised and the world that shaped him: pre-war Germany in 1921, where he witnessed the rise of the Nazi party. It is a story of families, friendships, and early love; achievements and disappointments; and facing and surviving dangerous circumstances in which many of those close to him lost their lives. It was a world where calm seas and waters were rare and survivors were lucky to escape the engines of war. This memoir further recounts his experience as an agricultural laborer on a kibbutz, in what was Palestine at the time, living among Bedouin and Arab herdsmen, sharing their labor and lifestyle. Laqueur became a journalist and writer in his twenties, and witnessed dramatic events in the Middle East and the emergence of Israel in the aftermath of World War II. He came to know many of the leading figures on both sides who were involved in the establishment of the State of Israel. Walter Laqueur went on to become one of the leading historians and interpreters of the Weimar period in Germany. This new edition, revised to tell his story up until 1948, also includes a new preface and conclusion.

This extraordinary compendium concerns the future of the Western alliance and the development of the peace movements in Europe and in the United States. The peace movement is an old phenomenon given new life by NATO decisions concerning nuclear deployment in Europe and the Soviet responses along the same lines. After a long postwar marriage, Europeans and Americans alike are reexamining the premises of the Western alliance.

The contributors provide a variety of scenarios, extending from the maintenance of the status quo to the complete dismantling of the Western alliance, or at least of its NATO component. In a context of rapid change and new challenges to the democratic bloc, the editors and authors argue for higher levels of economic integration and caution that competition might spill over into political collapse.

The work deals with thorny security issues in a frank and policy-oriented way. While each contributor expresses a unique standpoint, a surprising consensus emerges: The need for democratic nations to move toward a higher policy ground in order to preserve the fundamental alliance that led to the postwar consensus to begin with. Some contributors feel this is still possible, others that the time has passed, and that national rather than regional interests will once more prevail.

The work contains an extraordinary array of talent from both the American and European perspectives. Among the major contributors and their themes are Henry Kissinger on "A Plan to Reshape NATO"; William G. Hyland on "The European Peace Movement and NATO"; Irving Kristol on "What's Wrong with NATO?"; Theodore Draper on "The Western Misalliance"; Niels Haagerup on "The Nordic Peace Movements"; Martin Ceadel on "The British Nuclear Disarmers"; and Jeffrey Herf on "The SPD and the Peace Movement in West Germany." This is a well-integrated text, with no random essays.