This work offers a new discussion of racism in America that focuses on how White people have been affected by their own racism and how it impacts upon relations between Blacks and Whites. This study draws attention to how racism is distinctly different from race, and it shows how, since the late 17th century, most Whites have been afflicted by their own racism, as evidenced by considerable delusional thinking, dehumanization, alienation from America, and psychological and social pathology. White people have created and maintained a White racist America, which is the antithesis of liberty, equality, justice, and freedom; Black people continue to be the primary victims of this culture. Although racism in America has changed since the 1950s and 1960s from a blatant and violent White racist America to a less violent and more subtle White racist America, racism still severely hampers the ability of most Blacks to develop and be free. The continuing racist context in which Blacks live requires that they organize and use effective group power, or Black Power, to help themselves. One obstacle to Black achievement is the use of intelligence tests, which are wholly unscientific and represent a manifestation of subtle White racism. A challenge to the writing on race in this country, this work focuses on the victims and not the perpetrators.

Wright presents this collection of six essays on aspects of black history. Each essay is based upon a critical historical methodology that is comprised of, among other things, a racial analysis, an intersectional analysis, rigorous logic, conceptual integrity, and a critical analysis of ideas, words, and images. Critical of the romantic approach to the subject, Wright seeks to uncover a deeper analysis, knowledge, and truth regarding aspects of black history, even when it involves the presentation of material and viewpoints that some might find objectionable. He predicates these pieces on the idea that history is still a valuable subject, firmly rejecting the postmodern view that it has lost its validity. Wright demonstrates that black history is a vital and necessary subject, not only for black people, but for all Americans. A critical black history is itself, Wright contends, a device to evaluate American history in a critical manner, to get into the subject more deeply, and to adduce deeper knowledge and truths about it. These essays show the author's interest in strengthening that critical capacity of black historical writing and his belief that this is a primary and necessary means to maintain the viability and productivity of the academic discipline and to ward off its detractors.

This study contends that historians and intellectuals failed to understand the difference between race and ethnicity, which has in turn impaired their ability to understand who Black people are in America. The author argues that Black Americans are to be distinguished from other categories of black people in the country: black Africans, West Indians, or Hispanics. While Black people are members of the black race, as are other groups of people, they are a distinct ethnic group of that race. This conceptual failure has hampered the ability of historians to define Black experience in America and to study it in the most accurate, authentic, and realistic manner possible.

This confusing situation is aggravated further by the fact that many scholars tend to describe Black people in an arbitrary manner, as Africans, African Americans, Afro-Americans, black or Black, which is insufficient for precision. They sometimes downplay the historical evidence regarding African identity, and the identity of Blacks in America. Wright offers a new methodological basis for undertaking Black history: namely, the framework of historical sociology. He argues that this approach will produce a more useful history for Black people and others in America.

Neither American history nor American society anticipated, sanctioned, or encouraged the development of either Black intellectuals or a Black middle class. Both emerged and developed against horrendous obstacles and both are great achievements. Both were sanctioned and given moral direction by the American Negro Academy, an organization founded in 1897 by Alexander Crummell, W.E.B. Du Bois, Francis Grimke, and others for the purpose of organizing Black intellectuals to defend and redeem Blacks, through intellectual, artistic, and scientific achievements in the face of racist detractors, and to help the Black middle class develop as the leadership class of Black America. Black intellectuals have had a difficult time fulfilling a leadership role, partly because they have failed to remember the three cultural heritages of Black people: Black, African, and Euro-American. The times demand that Black intellectuals approach themselves and their world from all three cultural perspectives, for the sake of Black people and for the sake of America, both of which desperately need their leadership.