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As Chile has continued to grow and prosper in the twenty-first
century, this new edition of the definitive history of the country
brings the story of its political, social and cultural development
up to date. It describes how Ricardo Lagos and Michelle Bachelet,
both highly educated Socialists, modernized the country and
integrated new interests into Chilean political life, and how the
billionaire, Harvard-trained economist Sebastian Pinera, who
succeeded Bachelet, addressed the problems caused by the 2010
tsunami. In the last twenty years Chile diversified its economy,
replaced a number of Pinochet's organizations with more inclusive
institutions, cultivated Chilean culture, modernized its
constitution, and fomented reconciliation of the various political
factions - until economic crisis in early 2018 caused political
chaos and occasionally violent public protest. Based on new
statistics to measure Chile's economic and social development, this
volume celebrates Chile's achievements and dissects its failures.
As Chile has continued to grow and prosper in the twenty-first
century, this new edition of the definitive history of the country
brings the story of its political, social and cultural development
up to date. It describes how Ricardo Lagos and Michelle Bachelet,
both highly educated Socialists, modernized the country and
integrated new interests into Chilean political life, and how the
billionaire, Harvard-trained economist Sebastian Pinera, who
succeeded Bachelet, addressed the problems caused by the 2010
tsunami. In the last twenty years Chile diversified its economy,
replaced a number of Pinochet's organizations with more inclusive
institutions, cultivated Chilean culture, modernized its
constitution, and fomented reconciliation of the various political
factions - until economic crisis in early 2018 caused political
chaos and occasionally violent public protest. Based on new
statistics to measure Chile's economic and social development, this
volume celebrates Chile's achievements and dissects its failures.
The year 1879 marked the beginning of one of the longest, bloodiest
conflicts of nineteenth-century Latin America. The War of the
Pacific pitted Peru and Bolivia against Chile in a struggle
initiated over a festering border dispute. The conflict saw Chile's
and Peru's armored warships vying for control of sea lanes and
included one of the first examples of the use of naval torpedoes.
On land, large armies using the most modern weapons-breech-loading
rifles, Gatling guns, and steel-barreled artillery-clashed in
battles that left thousands of men dead on the battlefields.
Eventually, the warring parties revamped their respective military
establishments, creating much needed, civilian-supported supply,
transportation, and medical units. Chile ultimately prevailed.
Bolivia lost its seacoast along with valuable nitrate and copper
deposits to Chile, and Peru was forced to cede mineral rich
Tarapaca and the province of Arica to the victor. Employing the
primary and secondary sources of the countries involved, William F.
Sater offers the definitive analysis of the conflict's naval and
military campaigns. Andean Tragedy not only places the war in a
crucial international context, but also explains why this
devastating conflict resulted in a Chilean victory.
From virtually the onset of its independence in the early
nineteenth century, Chile took a superior attitude toward its
racially mixed and less organized neighbors. This stance was not
unlike that of another young republic in the hemisphere: the United
States. With their relatively stable governments and prosperous
economies, the two countries claimed amoral right to impose their
will on nearby nations. Given this shared imperial impulse, it is
not surprising that they became rivals. In Chile and the United
States, the third volume to appear in the series The United States
and the Americas, William F. Sater traces the often stormy course
of U.S.-Chilean relations, covering not only policy decisions but
also the overall political, cultural, and economic developments
that formed the context in which those policies unfolded. As Sater
explains, the Chileans initially believed that they could triumph
in the event of a clash with the Americans because of their
superior moral commitment and willingness to endure sacrifice.
Unintimidated by the size of the United States, Chile found its
sense of mission bolstered by the American government's
inconsistent enforcement of the Monroe Doctrine and grudging
acceptance of Chilean dominance over Peru and Bolivia. Yet, Sater
shows, by the end of the nineteenth century Chile had to face
reality: its organizational skills could no longer compensate for a
limited population and resource base. Worse, just as both the
United States and Chile's neighbor Argentina became wealthier and
more populous, Chile sank into a political morass that paralyzed
its ability to govern itself. Once the premier power of the
Pacific, it fell to second-rate status--a fact that nevertheless
did little to mitigate the Chileans' sense of cultural superiority.
In the early twentieth century, Sater notes, Chile scored several
economic and diplomatic victories over the United States and, after
World War II, resorted to various new doctrines and strategies in
hopes of regaining its lost glory. When the efforts of strongmen
failed, Chileans turned to Christian Democracy, Socialism, and
finally military rule--none of which succeeded in restoring the
country's political unity and self-esteem. Yet, Sater contends,
rather than accept that geopolitical and economic realities had
limited their nation's place in the world, Chileans blamed the
United States for whatever ills befell them, even as they continued
to expect American aid. For its part, the United States insisted
that Chile accept its counsel in order to receive U.S. economic
assistance. This frustrating standoff, Sater shows, is but the
latest phase of a contentious relationship, nearly two centuries in
the making, that shows no ready signs of disappearing.
Well-researched and welcome work on the German efforts to train the Chilean army during the Parliamentary Regime (1891-1924). Argues convincingly that what appeared outwardly to be a Prussian-style military was in reality an ill-fed, poorly equipped military force rife with corruption and low on morale. Many of the German trainers, themselves, contributed to the malaise by seeking profits from weapons sales and land deals. Oddly, perhaps, the Chilean army continues to display the influences of the German era"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 58.
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