For two generations following the overthrow of the absolutist monarchy in France in 1789, European history was punctuated by political upheavals until in 1848 the continent was swept by revolutionary fervour. Britain alone of the major western powers seemed exempt. Why was this? The governing class at the time attributed it to divine providence and the soundness of a constitution already perfected by revolution in 1688. For a century, historians echoed this Victorian complacency about the superiority of the British and dismissed revolutionary outbursts as mere economic protest or the work of trouble-makers. Extensive evidence for revolutionary plotting was dismissed as the product of the fevered imaginations of government spies. This book builds on scholarship, which has challenged this view, and asks the reader to suspend hindsight and take seriously the threat of revolution, from the English Jacobins of the 1790s and the Luddites of 1812 to the Chartists of 1839-48. If the threat was real, the assertion that "Britain was different" ceases to be adequate, so the final section probes more deeply, drawing on recent research to show how the revolutionaries were defeated by the government's propaganda against revolutionary sentiments and the strength of popular conservatism.

This is a valuable collection on religious life in England in the midseventeenth century. It contains essays by leading authorities of the period, such as Ann Hughes, John Morrill and Colin Davis. It is divided into three sections, entitled Theology in revolutionary England, Inside and outside the revolutionary National Church, and Local impacts of religious revolution.

This is a lucid, fair-minded account of a difficult and tragic man. Pauline Gregg has drawn heavily on original documents, letters, and speeches to show how Charles's heritage, upbringing, and personality, as well as his relationships with friends, advisors, and favorites, all took place against a background of social and political upheaval that gradually enveloped him and his whole family.

This book offers a major reassessment of the place of propertied people in eighteenth-century England. Common views of politics in this period postulate aristocratic dominance coexisting with plebeian vitality. Paul Langford explores the terrain which lay between the high ground of elite rule and the low ground of popular politics, revealing the vigorous activity and institutional creativity which prevailed in it. Dr Langford shows us a society in which middle-class men and women increasingly enforced their social priorities, vested interests, and ideological preoccupations. In an age imbued with the propertied mentality, the machinery, formal and informal, for managing public affairs was constantly revised. Political and religious prejudices are shown in retreat before the requirements of propertied association. Parliament appears as the willing tool of interests and communities which were by no means submissive to the traditional authority of the gentry. The nobility is seen obediently adapting to the demands of those whom it sought to patronize. This perceptive study makes a significant contribution to our understanding of eighteenth-century society and politics.