The revolutionary political upheavals in Africa in the early 1990s continue to have an impact almost two decades later. Drawing on original interviews, this book argues we must look to the defining period of transition, and the workings of the transition governments, to understand how politics in these countries changed since the fall of dictatorial one-party states. Transition governments leave legacies with respect to the relevant political players and their strategies, the institutions of government, and the nature of the political agenda. These legacies are apparent in Benin, which successfully transitioned to democracy, as well as Togo, which failed to democratize.

This book explores whether the co-existence of (partially) overlapping and sometimes competing layers of authority, which characterizes today's global order, undermines or rather strengthens efforts to promote the rule of law on a global scale. Heupel and Reinold argue that whether multi-level governance and global legal pluralism have beneficial or detrimental effects on the international rule of law depends on specific scope conditions. Among these are the mobilization of powerful states and courts, as well as the fit between soft law and hard law arrangements. The volume comprises seven case studies written by International Relations and International Law scholars. Bridging the gap between political science and legal scholarship, the volume enables an interdisciplinary perspective on the emergence of an international rule of law. It also provides much needed empirical research on the implications of multi-level governance and global legal pluralism for the rule of law beyond the nation state.

Since achieving independence from Spain and establishing its first constitution in 1824, Mexico has experienced numerous political upheavals. The country's long and turbulent journey toward democratic, representative government has been marked by a tension between centralized, autocratic governments (historically depicted as a legacy of colonial institutions) and federalist structures. The years since Mexico's independence have seen a major violent social revolution, years of authoritarian rule, and, finally, in the past two decades, the introduction of a fair and democratic electoral process.
Over the course of the thirty-one essays in The Oxford Handbook of Mexican Politics some of the world's leading scholars of Mexico will provide a comprehensive view of the remarkable transformation of the nation's political system to a democratic model. In turn they will assess the most influential institutions, actors, policies and issues in its current evolution toward democratic consolidation. Following an introduction by Roderic Ai Camp, sections will explore the current state of Mexico's political development; transformative political institutions; the changing roles of the military, big business, organized labor, and the national political elite; new political actors including the news media, indigenous movements, women, and drug traffickers; electoral politics; demographics and political attitudes; and policy issues.

The Euro crisis catapulted the EU into its most serious political crisis since its inception, leaving it torn between opposing demands for more sovereignty and solidarity. This volume focuses on the key themes of disunion, sovereignty and solidarity. It assesses the main EU institutions: member states, civil society actors and policy areas.

This collection focuses on public sector coordination, key aspect of governments' have sought to tackle contemporary policy challenges. By guiding the reader through 20 case studies of novel coordination instruments from 12 countries, the compendium gives valuable lessons for achieving better coordination of public policies.

It is widely admitted that markets are the main driving force of the economy but governments intervention could, in some circumstances, improve on their outcomes. This book provides a structured analysis relating theoretical arguments, implementation approaches and effectiveness of industrial policy.

Corruption and anti-corruption are now mainstream public policy challenges. Politicians and the public alike now discuss corruption with the type of rhetoric that they never did before. Perhaps surprisingly, however there remains little detailed, cross-national analysis of which anti-corruption strategies work and which don't. This book aims to make a contribution towards redressing this imbalance.Through case studies in six countries (Bangladesh, Kenya, Germany, Poland, South Korea and the UK) this book illustrates that those looking to fight corruption must understand that quality of governance and successful anti-corruption strategies are indelibly linked. Only when this relationship is understood, will progress in tackling corruption be made. The book is empirically rich and theoretically driven, and should be core reading for anyone interested in understanding why corruption flourishes and what works in trying to fight it.

This book examines the increasing territorialisation of party competition and the relaxation of unitarian rule through devolution, presenting a long-term analysis of electoral developments in the United Kingdom since the end of the Second World War. Subsequently, the book looks into the undermining of the traditional majoritarian mode of British government as a result. It analyzes the significant role of these long-term developments and their detrimental effect on the parliament's ability to resolve issues like the Scottish Independence Referendum or the UK's vote to leave the European Union, and it addresses their underlying causes. The author additionally reconnects these electoral developments to the changing nature of devolution and shows how the deepening of devolution accelerates the negative electoral consequences for the British system of government. Finally, the book shows why the British Labour Party is turning more and more into a long-term minority party as a result of these developments. The book is a must-read for scholars, students and policy-makers, interested in a better understanding of comparative politics and devolution in general, as well as in the more specific case of the United Kingdom's electoral system.

This book analyzes the 'intellectual political culture' of post-Tiananmen China in comparison to and in conflict with liberalism inside and outside the P.R.C. How do mainland politics and discourses challenge 'our' own, chiefly liberal and anti-'statist' political frameworks? To what extent is China paradoxically intertwined with a liberal economism? How can one understand its general refusal of liberalism, as well as its frequent, direct responses to electoral democracy, universalism, Western media, and other normative forces? Vukovich argues that the Party-state poses a challenge to our understandings of politics, globalization, and even progress. To be illiberal is not necessarily to be reactionary and vulgar but, more interestingly, to be anti-liberal and to seek alternatives to a degraded liberalism. In this way Chinese politics illuminate the global conjuncture, and may have lessons in otherwise bleak times.

Lewicki examines how current salient discourses of citizenship conceptualize democratic relations and frame the 'Muslim question' in Germany and Great Britain. Citizenship is understood not as a static or monolithic regime, but as being reproduced through competing discourses that can facilitate or inhibit the reduction of structural inequalities.

Over the past thirty years the comparative study of policy agendas under the aegis of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) has become one of the fastest growing sub-field in policy research. Yet, similarly to policy studies in general, most of the agenda-setting literature focuses on well-established democracies. This edited volume offers a ground-breaking analysis of a hitherto less examined topic in comparative politics: the dynamics of policy agendas in Socialist autocracy and in hybrid regimes. We propose that policymaking in authoritarian and illiberal regimes is different from the practices of democracies which we analyse based on a unique historical policy agendas database built by the Hungarian CAP team at the Centre for Social Sciences in Budapest. We find that punctuated equilibrium theory offers a good description of policy dynamics regardless of policy regimes, yet punctuations are more pronounced in autocratic and illiberal settings. These regime types also share a tendency towards centralization, a less efficient use of public information and a suppression of democratic participation in the policy process. This book may be of interest to scholars and students of policy studies, agenda-setting and the politics of authoritarianism.

This book shows the remarkable diversification in Turkey's international political economy landscape in the 2000s: its domestic political-economy framework, instrumental alternatives and geographic outreach. It assesses both how an emerging economy like Turkey copes with domestic and external challenges and the question of how substantial Turkey's recent rise in global politics really is. The volume also explains Turkey's economic growth and political transformation in line with the changes occurring in world economics, from the Washington Consensus era to the current "mix" or "hybrid" era encompassing both the characteristics of the Post-Washington and Beijing Consensus eras. The contributors portray the complexity of Turkish politics and its fragilities at the political economy level.

How should political community be seen in the context of European integration? This book combines a theoretical treatment of political allegiance with a study of ordinary citizens, examining how taxi-drivers in Britain, Germany and the Czech Republic talk politics and situate themselves relative to political institutions and other citizens.

More than 25 years after the fall of the Soviet Union, European integration remains a work in progress, especially in those Eastern European nations most dramatically reshaped by democratization and economic liberalization. This volume assembles detailed, empirically grounded studies of eleven states—Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Slovenia, and the former East Germany—that went on to join the European Union. Each chapter analyzes the political, economic, and social transformations that have taken place in these nations, using a comparative approach to identify structural similarities and assess outcomes relative to one another as well as the rest of the EU.

In a context of economic and budgetary crisis, this book presents a long-term analysis of the transformations of EU gender equality. It analyses the mechanisms of construction, consolidation and deconstruction of this policy and questions the effects of its current dismantling.

Faced with falling social cohesion governments have sought to revitalise society by trying to reconstruct local communities, civil society and citizenship. As a result, civil society is increasingly brought within the realm of public management, subject to accountability and embedded in hierarchies the impact and origins of which this book explores

On January 2009, President Obama signed the Memorandum on Transparency and Open Government. The memorandum declares the new Administration's commitment to creating an unprecedented level of openness in Government and establishing a system linking three principles: transparency, public participation and collaboration. Since then, federal agencies in the United States and public administrations around the world have embarked on open government initiatives and have worked to redefine their relationship with citizens and with each other. On September 20th, 2011, eight governments gathered in New York City to launch the Open Government Partnership, a new multilateral initiative to promote open government. The benefits attributed to open government are many and by no means universally shared. They include the claims that open government leads to more effective decision making and services, safeguards against corruption, enables public scrutiny, and promotes citizens' trust in government. However, the speed of events and pressure to implement has given rise to confusion and ambiguity. Although many of the initiatives have been based on opening data and on promoting open action, governments have followed different directions and interpretations when it has come to implement them and development of open government has become unequal and heterogeneous. This book provides a comprehensive study of recent major developments of open government around the world, and analyzes the importance of open government efforts for public governance, making it of interest to academics and practitioners worldwide.

This unique volume is about how ordinary people construct political meanings, form political emotions and identities, and become involved in or disengaged from political contests. Drawing on psychological anthropology, it illustrates the complexities of political subjectivities through engaging personal stories that complicate our understanding of the relationship between culture and politics. Chapters examine the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street in the United States, third gender activism in India, Rastafari in Jamaica, Courage to Refuse in Israel, the environmental movement in the U.S., Salafi movements in northern Nigeria, post-socialist labor politics in Romania, and anti-immigrant activism in Denmark.

This book makes a timely contribution to the analysis of nationalism and terrorism, and also the absence of terrorism. It proposes to analyse why Scottish, Welsh and English nationalism has never had as significant a turn to political violence as the case of Irish nationalism has. This will answer a question which is too rarely asked 'why do certain groups not turn to terrorism?' Nick Brooke makes an important contribution to debates on nationalism in the United Kingdom, as well as to debates on the relationship between nationalism and terrorism. Furthermore, the text provides complete narrative accounts of nationalist terrorism in Scotland, Wales and England, and considers how recent political developments impact the likelihood of further nationalist terrorism.

This book compares the immigration policies of EU states and Asian countries-Germany, Poland, Estonia, Taiwan, China, South Korea, Japan, Vietnam,- and Thailand-analyses the policy strengths and weaknesses of various political actors in the regions and explores what can be learned from the experiences of different states. In the recent decades, immigration policy has become a hot topic due to globalization. EU has faced challenges in immigration since the refugee crisis in 2015 when over a million migrants and refugees crossed into Europe. In Asia, immigration issue has become more complicated as the economic ties among Asian countries have grown significantly in recent years. With contributions by professors, experts and scholars from various countries across Europe and Asia, the book provides both in-depth analyses and broad perspectives on the topic, making it a valuable read for academics and policymakers alike.

This book offers an in-depth analysis of political life in France and Europe at the beginning of the 21st century at a time of change and crisis. Encompassing questions about values, political actors and electoral choices, it is dedicated particularly to scholars and students enrolled in comparative politics programs.

Readers will find scientific answers to the highly debated question both in Europe and elsewhere: in what way are the French different from other Europeans? Using comparative surveys, the authors carry out an empirical examination on the very specific nature of French politics as well as on convergent trends in Europe.

Each chapter is based on a double scientific approach: the first assesses what distinguishes France from other major European countries. The second measures political homogeneity in Europe. Each chapter makes systematic use of the results of the first two waves of the "European Social Survey," whose scope is unprecedented and whose methodological rigour ensured that it was awarded one of the most prestigious academic prizes in Europe - the Descartes prize - in 2005. In total, France is thus compared to Germany, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal and Sweden.

This book's leading goal is to explain why some states in the Americas have been markedly more effective than others at forming stable democratic regimes. The six states analyzed are the United States, Mexico, Colombia, Venezuela, Costa Rica, and Guatemala. The study identifies the critical challenges each state encountered at different stages of its state-creation and regime- formation processes, from the colonial period to the present. In its concluding chapter, the study presents a series of time-related hypotheses designed to capture the different evolutionary processes and explain variances in success.

An analysis of post-Soviet state-building and of post-communist transition in Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus and Russia.

Based on the findings of a large-scale, comparative research project, this book systematically assesses the institutional design and national influence of the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) on Social Inclusion and Social Protection, at the European Union (EU) level and in ten EU Member States. Besides offering novel empirical and theoretical insights into the operation and impact of the OMC, the book presents an up-to-date perspective on the future of social policy coordination within the Europe 2020 Strategy. The book is required reading for anyone concerned with understanding the contribution of new forms of governance to the past and future development of Social Europe.