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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Comparative politics
Precariousness has become a defining experience in contemporary
society, as an inescapable condition and state of being. Living
with Precariousness presents a spectrum of timely case studies that
explore precarious existences – at individual, collective and
structural levels, and as manifested through space and the body.
These range from the plight of asylum seekers, to the tiny house
movement as a response to affordable housing crises; from the
global impacts of climate change, to the daily challenges of living
with a chronic illness. This multidisciplinary book illustrates the
pervasiveness of precarity, but furthermore shows how those
entanglements with other agents, human or otherwise, that put us at
risk are also the connections that make living with (and through)
precariousness endurable.
Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859) was a French political thinker
and historian, and wrote the famous work "Democracy in America" in
two volumes. This work is renowned for characterising the American
Institutions and adding to the understanding of the United States
like no other. He analysed the social standards of people and the
relationship between raising social standards and the free market.
He thereby became one of the founding fathers of sociology and
political science. This book is a seminal text in economic
sociology. Tocqueville has the capacity to stand back from the
object of his study and to reflect deeply and at times with wit,
whilst offering the reader his incisive clarity. This collection
includes both volumes of Democracy in America, in addition it
includes the "Recollections of Alexis de Tocqueville" - his
thoughts and observations on the French Revolution, another work
demonstrating his shrewd objective perspective. He identified the
hazards of the course that his country was taking and also the
difficulties of ensuring that there was both equality and freedom.
It is a first-hand account of the upheavals that the country
suffered over the months of the revolution - consequently it is
exhilarating, honest and thrilling to read. Tocqueville's analysis
is relevant for any democracy and consequently this work is
relevant far beyond the borders of France.
Written by one of the premier scholars on the European Union and
hailed as the best undergraduate text on the subject, this book has
been thoroughly revised and updated to include the entry into force
of the Lisbon Treaty. Clear and comprehensive, it 'demystifies' one
of the world's most important and least understood institutions.
Roy H. Ginsberg contextualizes European integration through the
foundation blocks of history, law, economics, and politics. He then
breaks the EU down into its components so that they can be
understood individually and in relation to the whole.
Reconstructing the EU as a single polity, Ginsberg evaluates the
EU's domestic and foreign policies and their effects on Europeans
and non-Europeans alike. The author thus challenges students to see
what the European Union truly represents: a unique experiment in
regional cooperation and a remarkable model of conflict resolution
for the world's troubled regions.
Focussing on his term as Prime Minister from 2001-06, this
scholarly volume provides the first assessment of how the
neo-conservative values attributed to Berlusconi were contested and
resisted by a variety of groups. The continuing influence of the
controversial figure of Silvio Berlusconi on contemporary Italian
life, culture and politics is beyond question. Focussing on his
term as Prime Minister, this volume assesses how the
neo-conservative values attributed to Berlusconi were contested and
resisted by social/minority movements, intellectuals (radical and
moderate) and media practitioners. Edited by members of the Centre
for European Languages and Cultures at the University of
Birmingham, and bringing together academics in Britain, Ireland,
the US and Italy, it has an international perspective. Analysis
investigates how resistance to the new conservative culture has
been articulated, and how this has been expressed and explained by
those involved. This interdisciplinary volume is divided into three
(overlapping) areas: contemporary Italian politics (including the
evolution of left and right, unions vs government; the G8 in Genoa
and the anti-war movement); cultural texts (including films and
documentaries, television programmes, novels and theatre; and
experiences (the voices and practices of those who have opposed
neo-conservative values from within the cultural industries and
identity movements). Wide-ranging, innovative and challenging, this
volume should appeal to all those who have an interest in Italy, in
politics, in culture and cultural studies.
This title examines Sub-Saharan Africa's relations with states such
as the US, India, China, the EU, and Britain as well as with
non-state actors. "The International Relations of Sub-Saharan
Africa" is an in-depth examination Africa's place in global
politics. The book provides a comprehensive and critical appraisal
of the ways in which peace, prosperity, and democracy are being
advanced (or restricted) by the activities of the great powers in
Africa, including non-state actors, as well as who benefits from
these policies and who does not. The book is a needed comparative
study of the role of great powers and 'new' actors such as China
and India in Africa within the wider context of neo-liberal
hegemony. It fills a gap in the literature and will be of interest
to any student of the continent. Its focus on external actors
contributes to providing a fuller picture of Africa's place in the
global political economy and how the continent interacts with the
rest of the world. This is an essential work for anyone researching
issues in international relations, comparative foreign policies,
and African politics.
Voting Advice Applications - VAAs - have become a widespread online
feature of electoral campaigns in Europe, attracting growing
interest from social and political scientists. But until now, there
has been no systematic and reliable comparative assessment of these
tools. Previously published research on VAAs has resulted almost
exclusively in national case studies. This lack of an integrated
framework for analysis has made research on VAAs unable to serve
the scientific goal of systematic knowledge accumulation. Against
this background, Matching Voters With Parties and Candidates aims
first at a comprehensive overview of the VAA phenomenon in a truly
comparative perspective. Featuring the biggest number of European
experts on the topic ever assembled, the book answers a number of
open questions and addresses debates in VAA research. It also aims
to bridge the gap between VAA research and related fields of
political science.
By revealing the contextual conditions which promote or hinder
democratic development, "Comparative Politics" shows how democracy
may not be the best institutional arrangement given a country's
unique set of historical, economic, social, cultural and
international circumstances. Addresses the contextual conditions
which promote or hinder democratic developmentReveals that
democracy may not be the best institutional arrangement given a
country's unique set of historical, economic, social, cultural and
international circumstancesApplies theories and principles relating
to the promotion of the development of democracy to the
contemporary case studies
How do governments make key decisions on vital economic questions
of national importance? Can they advance the national interest on
issues that are highly politicized? How do they respond to
competing pressures from the international and domestic
environments? Forming Economic Policy explores these and other
questions in Canada and Mexico, two very different countries which
share a common vulnerability to the world economy. Using the case
of energy, the book argues that policymakers will address the
national interest, but only episodically with the onset of major
national crises that invoke a higher and sustained sense of
national priorities. These crises are frequently induced by the
interaction of domestic and foreign political and economic forces.
The conclusions are surprising. Despite profound political and
economic differences between these two countries, policymakers have
behaved in remarkably similar ways when arriving at key policy
decisions. The explanation - which integrates two competing views
of politics, the pluralist and the statist - has important
implications with regard to the political processes in those states
which, like Canada and Mexico, are exposed to the world economy and
face problems of political legitimacy at home. Forming Economic
Policy will appeal to students and teachers of political economy
and comparative politics as well as to those interested in the
politics of energy policy.
This book deals with one of the most important issues of philosophy
of law and constitutional thought: how to understand clashes of
fundamental rights, such as the conflict between free speech and
privacy. The main argument of this book is that much can be learned
about the nature of fundamental legal rights by examining them
through the lens of conflicts among such rights, and criticizing
the views of scholars and jurists who have discussed both
fundamental legal rights and the nature of conflicts among them.
Theories of rights are necessarily abstract, aiming at providing
the best possible answers to pressing social problems. Yet such
theories must also respond to the real and changing dilemmas of the
day. Taking up the problem of conflicting rights, Zucca seeks a
theory of rights that can guide us to a richer, more responsive
approach to rights discourse.
The idea of constitutional rights is one of the most powerful
tools to advance justice in the Western tradition. But as this book
demonstrates, even the most ambitious theory of rights cannot
satisfactorily address questions of conflicting rights. How, for
instance, can we fully secure privacy when it clashes with free
speech? To what extent can our societies assist people in dying
without compromising the protection of life? Exploring the
limitations of the rights discourse in these areas, Zucca questions
the role of law in settling ethical dilemmas helping to clarify
thinking about the limitations of rights discourse.
Under what conditions do citizens most effectively connect to the
democratic process? We tend to think that factors like education,
income, and workforce participation are most important, but
research has shown that they exert less influence than expected
when it comes to women's attitudes and engagement. Scholars have
begun to look more closely at how political context affects
engagement. This book asks how contexts promote women's interest
and connection to democracy, and it looks to Latin America for
answers. The region provides a good test case as the institution of
gender quotas has led to more recent and dramatic increases in
women's political representation. Specifically, Magda Hinojosa and
Miki Caul Kittilson argue that the election of women to political
office-particularly where women's presence is highly visible to the
public-strengthens the connections between women and the democratic
process. For women, seeing more "people like me" in politics
changes attitudes and orientations toward government and politics.
The authors untangle the effects of gender quotas and the
subsequent rise in women's share of elected positions, finding that
the latter exerts greater impact on women's connections to the
democratic process. Women citizens are more knowledgeable,
interested, and efficacious when they see women holding elected
office. They also express more trust in government and in political
institutions and greater satisfaction with democracy when they see
more women in politics. The authors look at comparative data from
across Latin America, but focus on an in-depth case study of
Uruguay. Here, the authors find that gender gaps in political
engagement declined significantly after a doubling of women's
representation in the Senate. The authors therefore argue that
far-reaching gender gaps can be overcome by more equitable
representation in our political institutions.
European governments have re-discovered labor migration, but are
eager to be perceived as controlling unsolicited forms of
migration, especially through asylum and family reunion. The
emerging paradigm of managed migration combines the construction of
more permissive channels for desirable and actively recruited labor
migrants with ever more restrictive approaches towards asylum
seekers. Non-state actors, especially employer organizations, trade
unions, and humanitarian non-governmental organizations, attempt to
shape regulatory measures, but their success varies depending on
organizational characteristics. Labor market interest associations'
lobbying strategies regarding quantities and skill profile of labor
migrants will be influenced by the respective system of political
economy they are embedded in. Trade unions are generally supportive
of well-managed labor recruitment strategies. But migration
policy-making also proceeds at the European Union (EU) level. While
national actors seek to upload their national model as a blueprint
for future EU policy to avoid costly adaptation, top-down
Europeanization is re-casting national regulation in important
ways, notwithstanding highly divergent national regulatory
philosophies.
Based on field work in and analysis of primary documents from six
European countries (France, Italy, United Kingdom, Ireland,
Germany, and Poland), The Political Economy of Managed Migration
makes an important contribution to the study of a rapidly
Europeanized policy domain. Combining insights from the literature
on comparative political economy, Europeanization, and migration
studies, the book makes important contributions to all three, while
demonstrating how migration policy can be fruitfully studied by
employing tools from mainstream political science, rather than
treating it as a distinct subfield.
Studying paradiplomacy comparatively, this book explains why and
how sub-state governments (SSG) conduct their international
relations (IR) with external actors, and how federal authorities
and local governments coordinate, or not, in the definition and
implementation of the national foreign policy. Sub-state diplomacy
plays an increasingly influential international role as regions,
federal states, provinces and cities seek to promote trade,
investments, cooperation and partnership on a range of issues. This
raises interesting new questions about the future of the state
system. Schiavon conducts a comparative study of paradiplomacy in
11 federal systems which are representative of all the regions of
the world, stages of economic development and degree of
consolidation of their democratic institutions (Argentina,
Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Germany, India, Mexico, Russia,
South Africa and the United States). The author constructs a
typology to measure and explain paradiplomacy based on domestic
political institutions, especially constitutional provisions
relating foreign affairs and the intergovernmental mechanisms for
foreign policy decision making and implementation. This
comparative, systematic and theoretically based analysis of
paradiplomacy between and within countries will be of interest to
scholars and students of comparative politics, diplomacy, foreign
policy, governance and federalism, as well as practitioners of
diplomacy and paradiplomacy around the world.
The early twenty-first century is witnessing both an increasing
internationalization of many markets, firms, and regulatory
institutions, and a reinforcement of the key role of nation states
in managing economic development, financial crises, and market
upheavals in many OECD and developing economies. Drawing on a
variety of interdisciplinary perspectives from leading US and
European scholars, this book analyses how capitalism and national
capitalisms are changing in this context. It focuses on the
economic rise of new countries such as the BRICs, the increasing
influence of regional organizations such as the EU and NAFTA, and
new forms of private and public international regulation. It also
considers how states are adapting their economic policies and
processes in this new environment, and the consequences of these
adaptations for inequality and risk within different societies.
These changes are linked to how firms are developing new strategies
for organizing global value chains and the application of
scientific knowledge to the commercialization of products in
contexts where financial markets are becoming more uncertain and
crisis prone, and where different groups are making new demands for
more effective forms of corporate governance and corporate social
responsibility. Drawing on examples from Europe, North and Latin
America, and Asia, it illustrates the complex ways in which
different forms of national capitalism are adapting and changing
their institutions in response to international financial markets,
the global financial crisis, the development of cross-border value
chains, and expansion of multinational firms.
The quality of working life has been central to the sociological
agenda for several decades, and has also been increasingly salient
as a policy issue, and for companies. This book breaks new ground
in the study of the quality of work by providing the first rigorous
comparative assessment of the way it has been affected by the
economic crisis. It examines the implications of the crisis on
developments in skills and training, employees' control over their
jobs, and the pressure of work and job security. It also assesses
how changing experiences at work affect people's lives outside of
work: the risks of work-life conflict, the motivation to work,
personal well-being, and attitudes towards society. The book draws
on a rich new source of evidence-the European Social Survey-to
provide a comparative view over the period 2004 to 2010. The survey
provides evidence for countries across the different regions of
Europe and allows for a detailed assessment of the view that
institutional differences between European societies-in terms of
styles of management, social partnership practices, and government
policies-lead to very different levels of work quality and
different experiences of the crisis. This comparative aspect will
thus forward our understanding of how institutional differences
between European societies affect work experiences and their
implications for non-work life.
Written by a team of experts, this text introduces all of the main
competing theoretical approaches to the study of the state,
including pluralism, Marxism, institutionalism, feminism, green
theory and more. A brand new 'issues' section enables readers to
apply these key concepts and theoretical approaches to important
developments in the state today. This new edition offers: -
Coverage of all key empirical and theoretical developments in the
field, with analysis of the impact of globalisation, global
financial upheavals, Brexit, Covid-19 and social movements such as
Black Lives Matter - A wide range of voices, perspectives,
contemporary and historical examples, giving readers a holistic
overview of the field, as well as deeper dives into key issues -
Brand new chapters on sovereignty, security, territory, capital,
nationalism and populism - Guided further reading suggestions at
the end of each chapter Providing both a firm grounding in the key
concepts and critical engagement with contemporary controversies
and debates, this text is ideal for those studying all aspects of
the state.
A Classic Study of Early Constitutional Law. First published in
1914, this is one of the most important studies of early
constitutional law. Kern observes that discussions of the state in
the ninth, eleventh and thirteenth centuries invariably asked whose
rights were paramount. Were they those of the ruler or the people?
Kern locates the origins of this debate, which has continued to the
twentieth century, in church doctrine and the history of the early
German states. He demonstrates that the interaction of "these two
sets of influences in conflict and alliance prepared the ground for
a new outlook in the relations between the ruler and the ruled, and
laid the foundations both of absolutist and of constitutional
theory" (4). " A] pioneering and classic study." --Norman F.
Cantor, Inventing the Middle Ages, 106. Fritz Kern 1884-1950] was a
professor, journalist and state official. From 1914 to 1918 he
worked for the Foreign Ministry and the General Staff in Berlin.
One of the leading medieval historians of his time, his works
include Die Anfange der Franzosischen Ausdehnungspolitik bis zum
Jahr 1308 (1910) and Recht und Verfassung im Mittelalter (1919).
This book examines the political costs of monetary union in Europe.
It does so by gauging the degree to which four small European
states - Iceland, Latvia, Hungary and Ireland - employed their
monetary policies in response to the financial crisis. Contrary to
popular and academic perception, Moses finds that small states in
Europe still enjoy monetary policy autonomy, and this autonomy was
used to prioritise the needs of domestic constituents over those of
international markets. Eurozone member states, by contrast, pursued
policies that prioritised the (long-term) needs of international
lenders and European institutions, at the (short-term) expense of
their own constituents. By illustrating the degree to which
monetary policy autonomy still plays an effective role in
responding to economic shocks, this book documents the substantial
sacrifices that states have made in joining a suboptimum currency
area. These are the political costs of monetary union in Europe.
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