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Books > Social sciences > Politics & government > Comparative politics
This book examines the political costs of monetary union in Europe. It does so by gauging the degree to which four small European states - Iceland, Latvia, Hungary and Ireland - employed their monetary policies in response to the financial crisis. Contrary to popular and academic perception, Moses finds that small states in Europe still enjoy monetary policy autonomy, and this autonomy was used to prioritise the needs of domestic constituents over those of international markets. Eurozone member states, by contrast, pursued policies that prioritised the (long-term) needs of international lenders and European institutions, at the (short-term) expense of their own constituents. By illustrating the degree to which monetary policy autonomy still plays an effective role in responding to economic shocks, this book documents the substantial sacrifices that states have made in joining a suboptimum currency area. These are the political costs of monetary union in Europe.
This book comparatively assesses the China and India's soft power strategy in Iran. By employing Joseph S. Nye's "Soft Power" theory and forming the new concept of "Power of Bonding", this book formulated China and India's soft power narratives and applied it through the empirical analysis in Iran. Based on this theory, this book seeks explanations for the question of "How China and India respectively, strategically and comparatively use the soft power strategy in Iran?". To reach the find-out, this book compares the understanding, resources, strategies, influences and uses of China and India's soft power in Iran under three thematic areas, including "power of bonding through cultural attractions, and attributions"; "political and diplomatic engagement" and "economic partnerships". By analysing China and India's soft power strategy in Iran, this book seeks to contribute to the soft power literature through a theoretical replication based on non-Western soft power strategy, the concept and its empirical application in China and India.
Precariousness has become a defining experience in contemporary society, as an inescapable condition and state of being. Living with Precariousness presents a spectrum of timely case studies that explore precarious existences – at individual, collective and structural levels, and as manifested through space and the body. These range from the plight of asylum seekers, to the tiny house movement as a response to affordable housing crises; from the global impacts of climate change, to the daily challenges of living with a chronic illness. This multidisciplinary book illustrates the pervasiveness of precarity, but furthermore shows how those entanglements with other agents, human or otherwise, that put us at risk are also the connections that make living with (and through) precariousness endurable.
Government did not create our social problems and it can't solve them for us. This book explores in detail the who and how of real social change. The Real Change-Makers: Why Government Is Not the Problem or the Solution is based on a straightforward premise: it is everyday Americans who have always been the real change-makers and whose efforts are now more necessary than ever given the financial squeeze that local, state, and federal governments confront. In this provocative and timely book, Brown explains why solutions to social problems won't come from just more litigation, more legislation, more regulation, or more funding. His focus is not upon theory but everyday social practices-pursuing health care beyond the doctor's office, educating young people beyond the school zone, and pooling resources in new ways that take into account what Americans own, what they know, and what free time they have. Despite living in an age of media distraction, this book calls on citizens to renew their social attention, self-organize, and tackle the social problems that plague us. Most important, it is a book that leads the way to our future.
This is the first comprehensive journey of its kind throughout the modern world of ideas and institutions relating to legislative and other features of sovereignty and state. Following A. London Fell's previous book on the Western Hemisphere (Volume Seven, Book I), Origins of Legislative Sovereignty and the Legislative State: Volume Seven: World Perspectives and Emergent Systems for the New Order in the New Age, the present Book II: Eastern Hemisphere deals in sequence with each continent, from Europe to the Middle East, from Asia to Africa. Taken together, the two books offer an exhaustive examination of emergent systems for the new order in the new age. As in Book I, Fell explores numerous issues that bear on the present world order. For example, he examines how current fundamentalist "laws" drive Islamic radicals in their ideological struggles with Western legal systems of democracy. And he shows how the broad, diverse spectrum of African nations can be viewed from the common theme of their legislative statehoods. The main subjects and sources of both halves of Volume Seven revolve around current news history, with issues and viewpoints uppermost in the public mind as expressed in the public press.
How do dictators stay in power? When, and how, do they use repression to do so? Dictators and their Secret Police explores the role of the coercive apparatus under authoritarian rule in Asia - how these secret organizations originated, how they operated, and how their violence affected ordinary citizens. Greitens argues that autocrats face a coercive dilemma: whether to create internal security forces designed to manage popular mobilization, or defend against potential coup. Violence against civilians, she suggests, is a byproduct of their attempt to resolve this dilemma. Drawing on a wealth of new historical evidence, this book challenges conventional wisdom on dictatorship: what autocrats are threatened by, how they respond, and how this affects the lives and security of the millions under their rule. It offers an unprecedented view into the use of surveillance, coercion, and violence, and sheds new light on the institutional and social foundations of authoritarian power.
This book theorizes Chinese politics, specifically about China's "deliberative democracy (xieshang minzhu )". Creating a China-West comparative framework, the author interrogates China's government's claims to give representation to citizens, allowing readers to see how all of these concepts interact within Chinese ideology, democratic discourse, and governance, and their relationship with Chinese authoritarianism. Above all, this book represents a sustained hybridization of political theory, one which is neither a simple democratic-authoritarian dichotomy, nor a reinterpretation of the official propaganda. This study will interest scholars of Chinese politics and statecraft, shedding light on an emergent discourse of the state - Chinese xieshang minzhu. More importantly, this book goes beyond a simple rhetorical and linguistic use of 'deliberative democracy' in the Western sense, and rather emphasizes the very consultative nature of Chinese politics, which facilitates and reconsolidates Chinese authoritarianism.
Punishing the Black Body examines the punitive and disciplinary technologies and ideologies embraced by ruling white elites in nineteenth-century Barbados and Jamaica. Among studies of the Caribbean on similar topics, this is the first to look at the meanings inscribed on the raced, gendered, and classed bodies on the receiving end of punishment. Dawn P. Harris uses theories of the body to detail the ways colonial states and their agents appropriated physicality to debase the black body, assert the inviolability of the white body, and demarcate the social boundaries between them.,br> Noting marked demographic and geographic differences between Jamaica and Barbados, as well as any number of changes within the separate economic, political, and social trajectories of each island, Harris still finds that societal infractions by the subaltern populations of both islands brought on draconian forms of punishments aimed at maintaining the socio-racial hierarchy. Her investigation ranges across such topics as hair-cropping, the 1836 Emigration Act of Barbados and other punitive legislation, the state reprisals following the 1865 Morant Bay Rebellion in Jamaica, the use of the whip and the treadmill in jails and houses of correction, and methods of surveillance, policing, and limiting free movement. By focusing on meanings ascribed to the disciplined and punished body, Harris reminds us that the transitions between slavery, apprenticeship, and post-emancipation were not just a series of abstract phenomena signaling shifts in the prevailing order of things. For a large part of these islands' populations, these times of dramatic change were physically felt.
Democratization is a sociopolitical process and the society that may grow out of it where people make decisions on matters affecting them. It is an unending struggle to win such rights and power, to hold and to extend them. The contending classes are essentially the poor and weak majority of the people and the elite of wealth, status, and power. This book begins with the study of politics in democratic Athens 508-322 BCE, and how it revolved around the divisions between an uneducated poor majority of citizens and a small, wealthy elite. All citizens were deemed equally capable of holding political office, and life in democratic Athens was itself an education through the wide political experience a citizen necessarily acquired. The second study is of Britain's centuries long and profoundly incomplete democratization, polarizing usually the urban poor, unequally against the Grandees, the oligarchy, and subsequent elites. A third exemplifier is South Africa, beginning in the 1970s-80s when two big processes were going on simultaneously: an external armed struggle led by the African National Congress (ANC), and a path-breaking domestic democratization represented by the United Democratic Front and the trade unions. The democratization that emerges here is a matter of aspiration and impulse by determined men and women, which fail more often than they succeed, yet appear again in other times and places. Two main models of democracy are in contention. A representative from revolving around free elections, in which competing elites "get themselves elected" utilizing their wealth and celebrity. The liberal form achieved preeminence in Britain and the United States over some 150 years, but is now under serious threat from its own dysfunctionalities and the alienation of its citizens from its institutions and their elitist, self-serving values. And there is the participatory model, now being approached again since the mid-1970s in many places, from Portugal, Poland and Czechoslovakia, to South Africa, Tunisia, Egypt, and Iceland. Many such impulses will fail, but they offer hope, and on the record, immense satisfaction to their participants.
Since the 1920s, Socialist and Communist parties in Europe and elsewhere have engaged in episodes of both rivalry and cooperation, with each seeking to dominate the European Left. Enemy Brothers analyzes how this relationship has developed over the past century, focusing on France, Italy, and Spain, where Socialists and Communists have been politically important. Drawing on fieldwork and interviews in all three nations, W. Rand Smith identifies the critical junctures that these parties faced and the strategic choices they made, especially regarding alliance partners. In explaining the parties' diverse alliance strategies, Enemy Brothers stresses the impact of institutional arrangements, party culture, and leadership.
This book analyses the politicization of immigration and the European Union in Italy, the UK, and the European Parliament (EP) from 2015 to 2020. The book uses the case studies of Italy, the UK, and the EP to study party positioning specifically towards immigration and the European Union, to understand to what extent mainstream-left, mainstream-right and populist parties adopt different framing strategies to compete on the new cultural dimension created by globalization. The book draws on saliency theory, issue ownership theory, and yield theory to investigate the multidimensional nature of political competition, and the relevance of institutional settings in determining party framing strategies. Bridging two fields that typically do not interact-party politics and migration studies-this book fills gaps in the academic literature and as such will be appropriate for students and researchers interested in party politics, European politics, immigration politics, populism, and text analysis.
This book aims to explore China's miracle under the context of complex world full of uncertainties. The author knows China's history well which makes it possible to find clues to shape China's status quo and conduct logic behind. The book is composed of six chapters. Chapter 1 concisely narrates China's history and explores why unity has been a fundamental element in its course. Chapter 2 elaborates on the BRI. Chapter 3 discusses Sino-European relations. Chapter 4 functions as a case state that examines relations between an EU and NATO member states, Greece, with China. Chapter 5 re-contextualizes the debate about China by looking into the way interconnectedness and the skeleton of globalization permit it to weather storms in the global arena. Chapter 6 links China's development to the COVID-19 pandemic.
AN IMPORTANT BRANCH OF EUROPEAN CIVIL LAW. Origianlly published:
Grahamstown, Cape Colony: African Book Co., 1908. iv (new
introduction), xv, 791 pp. With a New Introduction by Michael
Hoeflich, John H. & John M. Kane Professor of Law, University
of Kansas School of Law. Roman-Dutch law is a hybrid of medieval
Dutch law, mainly Germanic in origin, and Roman law as defined by
the Corpus Juris Civilis and its later reception. It was developed
in Holland during the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries. Bynkershoek, Damhouder, Grotius and other Roman-Dutch
jurists had a profound influence on the development of European
civil law and were the primary source of civil-law study in
America. The Dutch brought it to their colonies, most notably South
Africa and Indonesia, and it became the basis of their
post-colonial legal systems. This engagingly written history offers
a thorough analysis of Roman-Dutch jurisprudence and its
intellectual background. Wessels devotes a great deal of attention
to its literature, and he analyzes several treatises at length.
Valuable as an introduction to one of the most important legal
systems in history, it is equally useful as a reference.
Nationalist movements remain a force in contemporary American politics, regardless of political party. Recently, social issues have moved to the forefront of American society, and civilian participation in activism is at an all time high. The nationalism that the world started to experience pre-2016, but much more intently post-2016, has impacted international alliances, global strategies, and threatened the fragile stability that had been established in the post-September 11th world. Major political events in more recent times, such as the American election, have brought social issues into stark focus along with placing a spotlight on politics and nationalism in general. Thus, there is an updated need for research on the most current advances and information on nationalism, social movements, and activism in modern times. Global Politics, Political Participation, and the Rise of Nationalism: Emerging Research and Opportunities discusses the ways in which nationalism and nationalist ideologies have permeated throughout America and the international community. This work considers the rise of neo-nationalism stemming from the Tea Party in the United States, Brexit and the era of the Tory Divorce from Europe, contemporary electoral politics that are helping in the spread of nationalist policies and leaders (providing a normalization of policies that are sometimes anti-democratic), the 2020 resurgence of Black Lives Matter after the deaths of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor, and the role of the coronavirus pandemic in helping to shape the world order to come. This book will be ideal for activists, politicians, lawyers, political science professors and researchers, international relations and comparative politics professors and students, practitioners, policymakers, researchers, academicians, and anyone interested in the current state of global politics, nationalism, and activism in political participation.
This book examines the problem of constitutional change in times of crisis. Divided into five main parts, it both explores and interrogates how public law manages change in periods of extraordinary pressure on the constitution. In Part I, "Emergency, Exception and Normalcy," the contributors discuss the practices and methods that could be used to help legitimize the use of emergency powers without compromising the constitutional principles that were created during a period of normalcy. In Part II, "Terrorism and Warfare," the contributors assess how constitutions are interpreted during times of war, focusing on the tension between individual rights and safety. Part III, "Public Health, Financial and Economic Crises," considers how constitutions change in response to crises that are neither political in the conventional sense nor violent, which also complicates how we evaluate constitutional resilience in times of stress. Part IV, "Constitutionalism for Divided Societies," then investigates the pressure on constitutions designed to govern diverse, multi-national populations, and how constitutional structures can facilitate stability and balance in these states. Part V, titled "Constitution-Making and Constitutional Change," highlights how constitutions are transformed or created anew during periods of tension. The book concludes with a rich contextual discussion of the pressing challenges facing constitutions in moments of extreme pressure. Chapter "Public Health Emergencies and Constitutionalism Before COVID-19: Between the National and the International" is available open access under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License via link.springer.com.
This study considers the multidimensional nature of the construction of the active civil society in the post-totalitarian reality of Central and Eastern Europe, covering the period of systemic transformations in the region in 1989 to the EU accession of 2004. The analysis was carried out using a multidisciplinary research perspective which incorporates historical, sociological, and legal insights, as well as those from political science. The volume illustrates the dynamic character of the process of constructing an active civil society process in a broader comparative perspective against the background of post-totalitarian societies, Germany and Italy, which underwent the process of democratic transformation in 1945 and went on to actively forge the European Community in the 1950s.
This book addresses the implications of current thinking on precarity, precariousness and the precariat for the study of International Relations and International Political Economy. Drawing on a broad range of critical theoretical resources including literatures on aesthetics and psychoanalysis as well as feminist, Foucauldian, Marxian and postcolonial social theory, it explores the implications of precarity thought for three concepts: Sovereignty, Solidarities and Work in International Relations. Does precarity re-inscribe or undermine the logic and practices of sovereignty? As a common condition and point of mobilization, does precarity represent a new labor activism or does it find ethical grounds for solidarities that destabilize identities? How is precarity located, practiced and occluded in work relations? Running counter to the contemporary impulse to grasp precarity and processes of its proliferation in homogenized terms as either being ensconced in national imaginaries, or as ushering in a condition of global precarity and a global precariat class, the book also underscores the entanglements of the global, national and local in the discursive and material production of precarity and precariousness in the present conjuncture.
This edited volume explores Nigeria's domestic and international politics and its implications for the country's national development and international status. Coinciding with the twenty year anniversary of Nigeria's return to democratic rule, this volume considers the state of democracy in Nigeria and examines its successes and challenges with a view towards offering possible solutions for the country's future development. The first half of the volume addresses domestic politics, focusing on current issues such as the 2019 elections, Nigerian federalism, media, state-civil society relations, and Boko Haram terrorism. The second half looks at Nigeria's relations with its African neighbors, discussing the relationships between Nigeria and South Africa, Egypt, Ghana, and Cameroon, among others. Engaging the full spectrum of the politics of a rising African power, this volume will be of interest to students and researchers of comparative politics, international relations, foreign policy, African studies, regional politics, peace, security, conflict, and development studies, as well as African policymakers.
Through the influence of Doctors' Commons and the universities the civilians played an important role in the development of English law, especially in the fields of commercial, estate and admiralty law. Despite its value, study of the civil law had entered a moribund phase by the eighteenth century. Several student handbooks attempted to correct this deficiency, and Beaver's translation of Ferriere's treatise is among the best. Accompanied by Duck's learned essay that connects the civil law to the common law, the work is among the first in English to establish the confluence of these legal traditions. Also included is Beaver's translation of The History of the Origine of the French Laws, Translated from the French by J.B. Esq., Shewing, the Analogy of the Laws of the Antient Gauls and Britons. First published anonymously in 1703, it has been attributed to Ferriere, Gabriel Argou and Claude Fleury.Claude Joseph de Ferriere ca. 1680-ca. 1750] was a well known French jurisconsult, dean of the Faculty of Law in Paris and the author of legal treatises and an important legal dictionary, Dictionnaire de Droit et de Pratique.CONTENTSChap. I. Of the Different Forms of Government in RomeChap. II. Of the Roman Law under the Regal Government Chap. III. Of the Free State of Rome in its Infancy, and the Creation of consuls Chap. IV. Of the Creation of Tribunes of the PeopleChap. V. Of the Decemviri, and Law of the Twelve TablesChap. VI. Of the Consequences that attended the Law of the Twelve TablesChap. VII. Of the LawsChap. VIII. Of the Plebiscita Chap. IX. Of the Interpretation of the LawyersChap. X. Of the Praetor's EdictsChap. XI. Of the Roman Law under the EmperorsChap. XII. The Succession of the Emperors to JustinianChap. XIII. Of the Emperor Justinian Chap. XIV. Of the Roman SenateChap. XV. Of the Senatus-ConsultaChap. XVI. Of the Lawyers Answers Chap. XVII. Of the most Celebrated Roman Lawyers Chap. XVIII. Of the Law-Books before Justinian's Time Chap. XIX. Of Justinian's CodeChap. XX. Of the Digests or Pandects Chap. XXI. Of Justinian's InstitutesChap. XXII. Of the Second Edition of Justinian's Code Chap. XXIII. Of Justinian's latter Constitutions, called Novels Chap. XXIV. Of the Law obscrv'd in the East, after Justinian's DeathChap. XXV. Of the Law obscrv'd in the West, after Justinian's Death Chap. XXVI. Of the Use of the Roman Law in France Chap. XXVII. The Decretal Epistle Super-specula explain'd Chap. XXVIII. The Sixty ninth Article of the Ordonnance of Blois explain'd Chap. XXIX. Of the Excellency of the Roman Law Chap. XXX. Of the most celebrated Interpreters of the Roman Law Chap. XXXI. Of the Dispositions requir'd for the Study of the Roman LawChap. XXXII. Of the Method to be observ'd in studying the Roman LawChap. XXXIII. Of the Quotations and Abbreviation |
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