Intellectual property is one of the most valuable forms of property in the modern world. From the perspective of companies producing knowledge-intensive goods, it encourages technological innovations for the benefit of humanity. For consumers of technology, it can be seen as a restriction on access to knowledge that inflates corporate rents. When genetic material crucial for human life is isolated from the commons, engineered and turned into private intellectual property, dissent is likely to emerge. Felipe Filomeno uses the case of Monsanto in South American soybean agriculture to theorize about the emergence and change of intellectual property regimes. Based on official documents, interviews, journalistic material, and academic literature, the study shows not only the relations of competition, coercion, and alliances that lie behind the post-1980 global upward ratchet of intellectual property protection but also the strategies that have the potential to reverse it.

The revolutionary political upheavals in Africa in the early 1990s continue to have an impact almost two decades later. Drawing on original interviews, this book argues we must look to the defining period of transition, and the workings of the transition governments, to understand how politics in these countries changed since the fall of dictatorial one-party states. Transition governments leave legacies with respect to the relevant political players and their strategies, the institutions of government, and the nature of the political agenda. These legacies are apparent in Benin, which successfully transitioned to democracy, as well as Togo, which failed to democratize.

This book provides a new interpretation of the Northern Irish Troubles. From internment to urban planning, the hunger strikes to post-conflict tourism, it asserts that concepts of capitalism have been consistently deployed to alleviate and exacerbate violence in the North. Through a detailed analysis of the diverse cultural texts, Legg traces the affective energies produced by capitalism's persistent attempt to resolve Northern Ireland's ethnic-national divisions: a process he calls the politics of boredom. Such an approach warrants a reconceptualization of boredom as much as cultural production. In close readings of Derek Mahon's poetry, the photography of Willie Doherty and the female experience of incarceration, Legg argues that cultural texts can delineate a more democratic - less philosophical - conception of ennui. Critics of the Northern Irish Peace Process have begun to apprehend some of these tensions. But an analysis of the post-conflict condition cannot account for capitalism's protracted and enervating impact in Northern Ireland. Consequently, Legg returns to the origins of the Troubles and uses influential theories of capital accumulation to examine how a politicised sense of boredom persists throughout, and after, the years of conflict. Like Left critique, Legg's attention to the politics of boredom interrogates the depleted sense of humanity capitalism can create. What Legg's approach proposes is as unsettling as it is radically new. By attending to Northern Ireland's long-standing experience of ennui, this book ultimately isolates boredom as a source of optimism as well as a means of oppression. -- .

The Euro crisis catapulted the EU into its most serious political crisis since its inception, leaving it torn between opposing demands for more sovereignty and solidarity. This volume focuses on the key themes of disunion, sovereignty and solidarity. It assesses the main EU institutions: member states, civil society actors and policy areas.

Party Patronage and Party Government in European Democracies brings together insights from the worlds of party politics and public administration in order to analyze the role of political parties in public appointments across contemporary Europe. Based on an extensive new data gathered through expert interviews in fifteen European countries, this book offers the first systematic comparative assessment of the scale of party patronage and its role in sustaining modern party governments. Among the key findings are: First, patronage appointments tend to be increasingly dominated by the party in public office rather than being used or controlled by the party organization outside parliament. Second, rather than using appointments as rewards, as used to be the case in more clientelistic systems in the past, parties are now more likely to emphasize appointments that can help them to manage the infrastructure of government and the state. In this way patronage becomes an organizational rather than an electoral resource. Third, patronage appointments are increasingly sourced from channels outside of the party, thus helping to make parties look increasingly like network organizations, primarily constituted by their leaders and their personal and political hinterlands. Comparative Politics is a series for students, teachers, and researchers of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterised by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.essex.ac.uk/ecpr The Comparative Politics series is edited by Professor David M. Farrell, School of Politics and International Relations, University College Dublin, Kenneth Carty, Professor of Political Science, University of British Columbia, and Professor Dirk Berg-Schlosser, Institute of Political Science, Philipps University, Marburg.

It is widely admitted that markets are the main driving force of the economy but governments intervention could, in some circumstances, improve on their outcomes. This book provides a structured analysis relating theoretical arguments, implementation approaches and effectiveness of industrial policy.

This study focuses on the experience in state-managed cooperation and integration between The Gambia and Senegal. Specifically, it examines the nexus between national politics in The Gambia and inter-state cooperation in Senegambia; that is, the impact and implications of politics in The Gambia on the process of cooperation with Senegal in functional areas. The Senegambia case is a microcosm of the African dilemma of reconciling the ideological imperative of African unity and regional integration, recently enshrined in the Constitutive Act of the African Union, and the primordial reality of protecting national statehood and particularistic interests. The experience is instructive in many ways. It is indicative of the problems that arise in any scheme to promote integration between countries with distinctly different colonial heritages. The Senegambia case demonstrates that integration is more problematic after statehood has been achieved, if only because the rewards of statehood are more immediate whereas those of integration and unity are more distant. Then also this case demonstrates that integration can be perceived as a threat to national sovereignty by one or both parties; in fact, sovereignty is often very fragile in these states and is jealously guarded. Finally, the experience reveals the complexities and intricacies of achieving union between African states and demonstrates the tension between constructing a national political state and responding to the demands of inter-national economic integration.

The twentieth century has seen the emergence of new states shaped on the classic nation-state model. What have been the implications for minorities in these new nation-states? How have minorities responded to nationalising processes generated by the state's self-definition? In order to answer these two questions the book offers an innovative perspective on the complex interactions between national minorities and newly established nation-states. Starting with a novel discussion by Rogers Brubaker of his concept of nationalising state, the authors of the book further discuss this model by using a large array of diverse cases such as Moldova, Ukraine, Turkey, Malaysia and Israel. These contributions shed light on common trends in relation to state-building processes, citizenship, rights of national minorities and their mobilisation. The original theoretical framework, combined with a comparative approach, challenges our understanding of these crucial issues. "A group of young scholars, under the intellectual patronage of Rogers Brubaker, have undertaken the challenging task of disentangling the complex relationships between newly nationalising states and their national minorities, mainly in Eastern and Central Europe, but also beyond (Malaysia, Israel, Turkey...). The result is a well researched book, theoretically informed, which sheds refreshing light on state-building processes, minorities' mobilisation and inter-group relations." Alain Dieckhoff, Senior Research Fellow, CNRS, Sciences Po Paris "This volume brings together well researched case studies which explain when and how nationalism begins to matter. Nationalism and group belonging are not taken for granted, but explored as political processes that display similarities from Southeast Asia to Poland. The contribution of this volume is to explore the relationship between nation-states and minorities as dynamic process." Florian Bieber Professor of Southeast European Studies, University of Graz

The Handbook of Swedish Politics provides a state of the art analysis of political development in Sweden. Covering all essential aspects of politics in Sweden, this volume provides detailed accounts of policy making, governance, institutional arrangements, foreign relations, electoral behavior, the party system, the public administration, the constitutional framework, and the welfare state. The Handbook shows how many of the features that once were exceptional to Sweden, for example, the welfare state, the consensual policy making, the historical compromise between capital and labor, and the dominance of social democracy, are less prominent today compared to a few decades ago although they are still certainly present. Global forces, increasing affluence, and an ideological shift towards neo-liberalism have contributed to making Sweden more of an average European industrialized democracy. The Handbook is divided into ten thematic Sections with four chapters and an Introduction in each Section. Thus, each theme is studied from different perspectives in order to provide the reader with a more multi-faceted picture of the political development in each theme.

Recognising that corruption is a serious problem in the globalised world of the early twenty-first century, the book takes the reader on a journey - beginning with what corruption is, why its study is important and how it can be measured. From there it moves on to explore corruption's causes, its consequences and how it can be tackled - before discovering how these things are playing out in the established liberal democracies, in the former communist regimes and in the newly industrialised and 'developing' world. On the way it takes a couple of detours - first, to explore corruption's mechanisms and dynamics and second to survey the scandals to which it may give rise. The book is therefore offered as an informative 'travel guide' of potential interest to journalists and policy makers as well as to students and academics. -- .

A critical analysis of the connections that the United States Supreme Court has made between campaign finance regulations and voters' behavior. The sanctity of political speech is a key element of the United States Constitution and a cornerstone of the American republic. When the Supreme Court linked political speech to campaign finance in its landmark Buckley v. Valeo (1976) decision, the modern era of campaign finance regulation was born. The decision stated that in order to pass constitutional muster, any laws limiting money in politics must be narrowly tailored and serve a compelling state interest. The lone state interest the Court was willing to entertain was the mitigation of corruption. In order to reach this conclusion, the Court advanced a sophisticated behavioral model that made assumptions about how laws affect voters' opinions and behavior. These assumptions have received surprisingly little attention until now. In The Appearance of Corruption, Daron Shaw, Brian Roberts, and Mijeong Baek analyze the connections that the Court made between campaign finance regulations and voters' behavior. The court argued that an increase in perceived corruption would lower engagement and turnout. Drawing from original survey data and experiments, they confront the question of what happens when the Supreme Court is wrong-and when the foundation of over 40 years of jurisprudence is simply not true. Even with the heightened awareness of campaign finance issues that emerged in the wake of the 2010 Citizens United decision, there is little empirical support for the Court's reasoning that turnout would decline. A rigorous statistical analysis, this is the first work to simultaneously name and test each and every one of the Court's assumptions in the pre- and post-Citizen's United eras. It will also fundamentally reshape how we think about campaign finance regulation's effects on voter behavior.

How should political community be seen in the context of European integration? This book combines a theoretical treatment of political allegiance with a study of ordinary citizens, examining how taxi-drivers in Britain, Germany and the Czech Republic talk politics and situate themselves relative to political institutions and other citizens.

Throughout history, states have tried to create the perfect combatant with superhuman physical and cognitive features that are akin to those of comic book superheroes. However, the current innovations have nothing to do with the ones from the past and their development goes beyond a simple technological perspective. On the contrary, they are raising the prospect of a human enhancement revolution that will change the ways with which future wars will be fought and may even profoundly alter the foundations upon which our modern societies are built on. This book, which discusses the full ethical implications of these new technologies, is a unique contribution for students and scholars who care about the morality of warfare. -- .

This illuminating book explains how and why Russia’s relations with the west have deteriorated to the point of initiating a new era of ‘great power competition’. An updated version of the bestselling 2016 edition, it explores the decline in relations since the early 2000s, taking in the war in Syria and the 2022 escalation in Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Beyond geopolitical considerations, the book delves into the nature of power in Russia itself, providing an in-depth examination of the networks of influence that define the country's political landscape. In doing so it moves beyond the simplistic, Putin-centric narratives often found in western accounts, offering readers a fresh perspective on Russian politics. Understanding Russia is crucial for western leaders seeking to establish stable and constructive relations in the future. The new politics of Russia serves as a key resource, challenging conventional wisdom and unpicking the complex dynamics at play in the relationship between Russia and the west. -- .

Faced with falling social cohesion governments have sought to revitalise society by trying to reconstruct local communities, civil society and citizenship. As a result, civil society is increasingly brought within the realm of public management, subject to accountability and embedded in hierarchies the impact and origins of which this book explores

In a context of economic and budgetary crisis, this book presents a long-term analysis of the transformations of EU gender equality. It analyses the mechanisms of construction, consolidation and deconstruction of this policy and questions the effects of its current dismantling.

Lewicki examines how current salient discourses of citizenship conceptualize democratic relations and frame the 'Muslim question' in Germany and Great Britain. Citizenship is understood not as a static or monolithic regime, but as being reproduced through competing discourses that can facilitate or inhibit the reduction of structural inequalities.

This book examines the quest to promote the health and vigour of individuals and populations of liberal democracies. It provides a detailed account of the emergence and working of Danish and English health promotion policies and programs in the areas of obesity control and mental recovery. The book shows that these interventions are supported by a form of optimistic vitalism, according to which we should all work indefinitely to improve our health and vigour. In the areas of both obesity control and mental recovery, equally particular individuals, and the social environment in which they live, are the target of political interventions. The book is above all relevant for social and political science researchers and graduate students as well as for policymakers and practitioners in the field of public health. This book is relevant to United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 3, Good health and well-being. -- .

On January 2009, President Obama signed the Memorandum on Transparency and Open Government. The memorandum declares the new Administration's commitment to creating an unprecedented level of openness in Government and establishing a system linking three principles: transparency, public participation and collaboration. Since then, federal agencies in the United States and public administrations around the world have embarked on open government initiatives and have worked to redefine their relationship with citizens and with each other. On September 20th, 2011, eight governments gathered in New York City to launch the Open Government Partnership, a new multilateral initiative to promote open government. The benefits attributed to open government are many and by no means universally shared. They include the claims that open government leads to more effective decision making and services, safeguards against corruption, enables public scrutiny, and promotes citizens' trust in government. However, the speed of events and pressure to implement has given rise to confusion and ambiguity. Although many of the initiatives have been based on opening data and on promoting open action, governments have followed different directions and interpretations when it has come to implement them and development of open government has become unequal and heterogeneous. This book provides a comprehensive study of recent major developments of open government around the world, and analyzes the importance of open government efforts for public governance, making it of interest to academics and practitioners worldwide.

Women have made significant inroads into political life in recent years, but in many parts of the world, their increased engagement has spurred attacks, intimidation, and harassment. This book provides the first comprehensive account of this phenomenon, exploring how women came to give these experiences a name: violence against women in politics. Tracing its global emergence as a concept, Mona Lena Krook draws on insights from multiple disciplines-political science, sociology, history, gender studies, economics, linguistics, psychology, and forensic science-to develop a more robust version of this concept to support ongoing activism and inform future scholarly work. Krook argues that violence against women in politics is not simply a gendered extension of existing definitions of political violence privileging physical aggressions against rivals. Rather, it is a distinct phenomenon involving a broad range of harms to attack and undermine women as political actors, taking physical, psychological, sexual, economic, and semiotic forms. Incorporating a wide range of country examples, she illustrates what this violence looks like in practice, catalogues emerging solutions around the world, and considers how to document this phenomenon more effectively. Highlighting its implications for democracy, human rights, and gender equality, the book asserts that addressing this issue requires ongoing dialogue and collaboration to ensure women's equal rights to participate-freely and safely-in political life around the globe.

Various e-strategies have been developed since the late '90s in an attempt to describe the governmental vision for administrative and for societal change, the objectives and priorities with regard to the development of the Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) at national and at supranational levels. Terms such as the European "Information Society", the U.S. "Information Highways" and the Korean and Chinese "Informatization" try to describe social transformation that occurs due to the ICT, and to determine means with which governments will capitalize the ICT to improve social life and to support economic growth. This book focuses on the e-strategic management approaches that are followed worldwide, addresses the gaps that appear between e-strategic updates, and presents alternative strategic management methods adopted or to use strategic management methods as a means to describe the e-strategic evolution in their geographic areas. Each chapter evaluates e-strategic management approaches, to define multi-criteria decision-making systems for e-strategic transformation and Indicative methods for e-strategic analysis. This book also illustrates experiences from national and supranational cases, which come from different geographic areas regarding e-strategic planning and management, and demonstrates e-strategic initiation and development across different countries and continents, and the association between policies and ICT. It also seeks to perform a systematic analysis of various representative cases, in order to capture the realized e-Strategic transformation. It will be of interest to scholars and policy-makers in public administration, management, and information technology.

This book offers an in-depth analysis of political life in France and Europe at the beginning of the 21st century at a time of change and crisis. Encompassing questions about values, political actors and electoral choices, it is dedicated particularly to scholars and students enrolled in comparative politics programs.

Readers will find scientific answers to the highly debated question both in Europe and elsewhere: in what way are the French different from other Europeans? Using comparative surveys, the authors carry out an empirical examination on the very specific nature of French politics as well as on convergent trends in Europe.

Each chapter is based on a double scientific approach: the first assesses what distinguishes France from other major European countries. The second measures political homogeneity in Europe. Each chapter makes systematic use of the results of the first two waves of the "European Social Survey," whose scope is unprecedented and whose methodological rigour ensured that it was awarded one of the most prestigious academic prizes in Europe - the Descartes prize - in 2005. In total, France is thus compared to Germany, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal and Sweden.

This volume analyzes the notion of the French exception & the ways in which it has informed both academic analysis & political commentary on France today. Adopting a comparative & interdisciplinary approach, the book examines the resilience of the notion of French exceptionalism & evaluates its relevance in a changing global context.