Scholars of post-communist politics often argue that parties in new democracies lack strong organizations sizable membership, local presence, and professional management because they don't need them to win elections and they may hinder a party's flexibility and efficiency in office. Post-Communist Democracies and Party Organization explains why some political parties are better able than others to establish themselves in new democracies and why some excel at staying unified in parliament, whereas others remain dominated by individuals. Focusing on the democratic transitions in post-communist Europe from 1990 to 2010, Margit Tavits demonstrates that the successful establishment of a political party in a new democracy crucially depends on the strength of its organization. Yet not all parties invest in organization development. Tavits finds that when parties recognize the potential of organization building, it is often the result of pragmatic professional leaders and particularly competitive, even hostile, electoral environments. This book uses data from ten post-communist democracies, including detailed analysis of parties in the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, and Poland.

A Classic Study of Early Constitutional Law. First published in 1914, this is one of the most important studies of early constitutional law. Kern observes that discussions of the state in the ninth, eleventh and thirteenth centuries invariably asked whose rights were paramount. Were they those of the ruler or the people? Kern locates the origins of this debate, which has continued to the twentieth century, in church doctrine and the history of the early German states. He demonstrates that the interaction of "these two sets of influences in conflict and alliance prepared the ground for a new outlook in the relations between the ruler and the ruled, and laid the foundations both of absolutist and of constitutional theory" (4). " A] pioneering and classic study." --Norman F. Cantor, Inventing the Middle Ages, 106. Fritz Kern 1884-1950] was a professor, journalist and state official. From 1914 to 1918 he worked for the Foreign Ministry and the General Staff in Berlin. One of the leading medieval historians of his time, his works include Die Anfange der Franzosischen Ausdehnungspolitik bis zum Jahr 1308 (1910) and Recht und Verfassung im Mittelalter (1919).

This book examines the political costs of monetary union in Europe. It does so by gauging the degree to which four small European states - Iceland, Latvia, Hungary and Ireland - employed their monetary policies in response to the financial crisis. Contrary to popular and academic perception, Moses finds that small states in Europe still enjoy monetary policy autonomy, and this autonomy was used to prioritise the needs of domestic constituents over those of international markets. Eurozone member states, by contrast, pursued policies that prioritised the (long-term) needs of international lenders and European institutions, at the (short-term) expense of their own constituents. By illustrating the degree to which monetary policy autonomy still plays an effective role in responding to economic shocks, this book documents the substantial sacrifices that states have made in joining a suboptimum currency area. These are the political costs of monetary union in Europe.

This is the first comprehensive journey of its kind throughout the modern world of ideas and institutions relating to legislative and other features of sovereignty and state. Following A. London Fell's previous book on the Western Hemisphere (Volume Seven, Book I), Origins of Legislative Sovereignty and the Legislative State: Volume Seven: World Perspectives and Emergent Systems for the New Order in the New Age, the present Book II: Eastern Hemisphere deals in sequence with each continent, from Europe to the Middle East, from Asia to Africa. Taken together, the two books offer an exhaustive examination of emergent systems for the new order in the new age. As in Book I, Fell explores numerous issues that bear on the present world order. For example, he examines how current fundamentalist "laws" drive Islamic radicals in their ideological struggles with Western legal systems of democracy. And he shows how the broad, diverse spectrum of African nations can be viewed from the common theme of their legislative statehoods. The main subjects and sources of both halves of Volume Seven revolve around current news history, with issues and viewpoints uppermost in the public mind as expressed in the public press.

Government did not create our social problems and it can't solve them for us. This book explores in detail the who and how of real social change. The Real Change-Makers: Why Government Is Not the Problem or the Solution is based on a straightforward premise: it is everyday Americans who have always been the real change-makers and whose efforts are now more necessary than ever given the financial squeeze that local, state, and federal governments confront. In this provocative and timely book, Brown explains why solutions to social problems won't come from just more litigation, more legislation, more regulation, or more funding. His focus is not upon theory but everyday social practices-pursuing health care beyond the doctor's office, educating young people beyond the school zone, and pooling resources in new ways that take into account what Americans own, what they know, and what free time they have. Despite living in an age of media distraction, this book calls on citizens to renew their social attention, self-organize, and tackle the social problems that plague us. Most important, it is a book that leads the way to our future.

When are legislators inclined to cast votes in cooperation with their parties, and when do they go their own way? When and why do nations contend with each other, and when are they more likely to cooperate? Thematically arranged around the interplay of contention and cooperation, A Comparative Introduction to Political Science encourages students to explore causal factors and consequences related to political phenomena to become knowledgeable and resourceful citizens of their nations and the world. Alan Smith covers how patterns of contention and cooperation-and the resulting government policies-may be affected by such factors as the surrounding political framework, the distribution of influence, and political motivation, including values as well as material interests. To expose students to the politics of specific nations, each chapter concludes with two country case studies that illuminate the theme of the chapter. Students emerge with a sense of what is going on in the world today. Pedagogically, the book employs careful sequencing of topics and concepts for clarity and to introduce politics in a natural, logical, synchronized way. At times Smith goes beyond sharp, night-and-day terminological distinctions to add accessible, ordinary language-based terminology that better captures the real-world spectrum between the extremes. A Comparative Introduction to Political Science: Contention and Cooperation provides a comprehensive teaching and learning package including these ancillaries: *Test Bank. Available for adopters to download, the Test Bank provides multiple-choice, true/false, and essay questions for each chapter. *Testing Software. This customizable test bank is available as a Word file or in Respondus 4.0-a powerful tool for creating and managing exams that can be printed out or published directly to the most popular learning management systems. Exams can be created offline or moved from one LMS to another. Respondus LE is available for free and can be used to automate the process of creating printed tests. Respondus 3.5, available for purchase or via a school site license, prepares tests to be uploaded to an LMS. Click here: http://www.respondus.com/products/testbank/search.php to submit your request. *Companion Website. The open-access Companion Website is designed to engage students with the material and reinforce what they've learned in the classroom. For each chapter, flash cards and self-quizzes help students master the content and apply that knowledge to real-life situations. Students can access the Companion Website from their computers, tablets, or mobile devices. *eBook. The full-color eBook allows students to access this textbook anytime, anywhere. The eBook includes the entire print edition rendered in vibrant color and features direct links to the Companion Website. *PowerPoint Slides. For every chapter, art slides of all figures and tables are available for adopters to download.

To deal with the climate crisis we need a new paradigm of technological and social development aimed at the restoration of ecological systems-the bio-digital energy paradigm-and China is the world power best positioned to lead this change. The climate and energy crisis requires a strong state to change the direction, speed, and scale of innovation in world capitalism. There are only a few possible contenders for catalyzing this governance of survival: China, the European Union, India, and the United States. While China is an improbable leader-and in fact the world's biggest emitter of greenhouse gasses-Peter Drahos explains in Survival Governance why this authoritarian state is actually more likely to implement systemic change swiftly and effectively than any other power. Drawing on more than 250 interviews, carried out in 17 countries-including the world's four largest carbon emitters-Drahos shows what China is doing to make its vast urban network sustainable and why all states must work toward a "bio-digital energy paradigm" based on a globalized, city-based network of innovation. As Drahos explains, America is incapable of reducing the power of its fossil fuel industry. For its part, the European Union's approach is too incremental and slowed by complex internal negotiations to address a crisis that demands a rapid response. India's capacity to be a global leader on energy innovation is questionable. To be sure, China faces hurdles too. Its coal-based industrial system is enormous, and the US, worried about losing technological superiority, is trying to slow China's development. Even so, China is currently urbanizing innovation on a historically unprecedented scale, building eco-cities, hydrogen cities, forest cities, and sponge cities (designed to cope with flooding). This has the potential to move cities into a new relationship with their surrounding ecosystems. China-given the size of its economy and the central government's ability to dictate thoroughgoing policy change-is, despite all of its flaws, presently our best hope for implementing the sort of policy overhaul that can begin to slow climate change.

Based on an extended agonistic pluralism perspective, this book offers a novel notion of a transnational public sphere that goes beyond the questions of whether a European public sphere exists or is possible and instead provides a solid understanding of its key features. This book offers an alternative concept of European integration based on the idea of integrative and constitutive conflicts. Not only an exploration of the emerging European public sphere, this groundbreaking book evaluates the outcomes of the EU polices aiming to create it as well as the trans-European networks' efforts to become a pan-European civil society. Expert contributors also explore the European public sphere's contribution to democracy and present enhanced empirical knowledge of the role of supranational institutions and pan-European networks in facilitating European integration, thus challenging the liberal intergovernmentalist, neo-functionalist and multi-level governance approaches. Integration, Diversity and the Making of a European Public Sphere will be of interest to scholars and upper level students of European studies, politics and public policy. Global, regional and national civil society organizations, think tanks and media corporations will also find value in this book. Contributors include: W. Dressler, D.N. Duru, M. Klicperova-Baker, J. Kostal, M. Mokre, M. Perez, R. Sata, H.G. Sicakkan, H.-J. Trenz, J.H. van de Beek, F. Vermeulen

This book presents up-to-date empirical research on crucial questions of political socialisation. It suggests new approaches and answers to a classic but still valid question of political socialisation research: 'Who learns what from whom under what circumstances with what effects?' (Greenstein 1965: 13). The volume maintains that political socialisation is no universal or independent phenomenon, but one significantly shaped by the surrounding parameters of the society in which it is embedded. Therefore, deficits in political socialisation research have become especially clear in light of political and societal changes over recent decades. The book contributes to two important discussions in the study of political socialisation: first, the question of the (relative) importance of socialisation agents and contexts, second - inextricably interwoven with the first - the timing of political socialisation. From a European perspective, articles in the volume shed light on old problems and topics of the field, using new methodological approaches or dealing with long-neglected perspectives such as young children's democratic learning or political socialisation. Includes quantitative approaches as well as innovative and explorative case studies.

Delegating Rights Protection explores bill-of-rights outcomes in four "Westminster" countries - Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom - whose development exhibit an interesting combination of both commonality and difference. Comparative analysis of some thirty-six democracies demonstrates that the historic absence of a bill of rights in Westminster countries is best explained by, firstly, the absence of a clear political transition and, secondly, their strong British constitutional heritage. Detailed chapters then explore recent and much more diversified developments. In all the countries, postmaterialist socio-economic change has resulted in a growing emphasis on legal formalization, codified civil liberties, and social equality. Pressure for a bill of rights has therefore increased. Nevertheless, by enhancing judicial power, bills of rights conflict with the prima facie positional interests of the political elite. Given this, change in this area has also required a political trigger which provides an immediate rationale for change. Alongside social forces, the nature of this trigger determines the strength and substance of the bill of rights enacted. The statutory Canadian Bill of Rights Act (1960), New Zealand Bill of Rights Act (1990), and the Human Rights Act (UK) (1998) were prompted politically by a relatively weak and backward-looking 'aversive' reaction against perceived abuses of power under the previous administration. Meanwhile, the fully constitutional Canadian Charter (1982) had its political origins in a stronger, more self-interested and prospective need to find a new unifying institution to counter the destabilizing, centripetal power of the Quebecois nationalist movement. Finally, the absence of any relevant political trigger explains the failure of national bill of rights initiatives in Australia. The conclusionary section of the book argues that this Postmaterialist Trigger Thesis (PTT) explanation of change can also explain the origins of bills of rights in other internally stable, advanced democracies, notably the Israeli Basic Laws on human rights (1992).

Using theories and methods from the toolbox of Comparative Public Policy and Comparative Political Economy, Thomas Krumm's excellent book is a must-read for anyone interested in the politics of public-private partnerships in a cross-country perspective.' - Karsten Mause, University of Muenster, Germany'Why have some countries in Western Europe heavily relied on public-private partnerships between 1990 and 2009 while others have abstained from using this policy instrument? In his important study, Thomas Krumm provides an encompassing and detailed overview of PPP activities, in no less than 14 West European EU member states, that so far has not been available. Using a mixed-methods research design, the author convincingly shows that political and economic factors explain the diverse PPP trajectories in Western Europe.' - Reimut Zohlnhoefer, University of Heidelberg, Germany This comprehensive book provides a unique comparative policy analysis of public-private partnerships (PPPs) in 14 Western European countries - from Scandinavia to Greece - bringing together important insights from government and politics as well as economics and institutional analysis. Thomas Krumm focuses on political drivers for policy change in favour of PPPs, and the supportive and limiting socioeconomic and institutional conditions. Using comparative data, he charts key policies and actors involved in supporting collaboration between the State and private business organisations across Western Europe. Students and scholars of public policy, regulation and comparative politics, among other disciplines, will find this book to be useful in their research or teaching. It will also be of substantial interest to PPP practitioners, and other specialists in the subject.

The balance of economic power in Europe is shifting eastwards. Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Romania have all seen increases in their contributions to international trade and in the rate of GDP growth, whilst other countries have seen declines, and firms in these Central and Eastern European economies are becoming increasingly influential participants in international production systems, centred largely on Germany. This book presents an up-to-date, theoretically informed analysis of how these four countries have developed distinctive business systems since the political revolutions that transformed this region in 1989, combining the structures of liberal market capitalism established in the 1990s with practices established earlier. Influenced by the socialist inheritance of communism and increasingly diverse sources of capital, different forms of capitalism developed, less responsive to shareholder interests, and more responsive to managerial and national strategic interests This book concentrates on changing patterns of ownership and control, means of capital accumulation, the relations among multinationals, regional enterprises, and governments, and the role of the state. Whilst recognizing the role of multinationals in generating export-led growth, the book emphasizes the central role of government at national and international level. The forms of capitalism under construction differ from expectations common in the 1990s, combining elements from both US/UK and continental European models of capitalism.

This book presents the results of extensive international comparative research into the effects of the economic and financial crisis on democratic institutions and social cohesion policies. The collected studies describe and analyse the measures (often referred to as "reforms") adopted to counter the crisis and the effects of these measures.It investigates three areas: the impact on the functioning of institutions, with respect to the relationship between representative institutions and governments, and the organisational structure of administrations at national and local levels; the impact that the austerity policies on public spending have on social rights; and the impact on traditional instruments of public action (administrative simplification, public services delivering, the use of common assets).The general findings highlight the effect of reducing the administrative and government capacity of the democratic institutions: the public sector, rather than being innovative and made more effective, declines, offering increasingly poor public services and making bad decisions, fuelling substantive or formal privatisation solutions, which in turn cause further weakening.

Migrants have, for some time, engaged in the politics of their homelands from a distance, but, as this book argues, politicians are increasingly looking beyond their national boundaries for electoral and political support. While migrants rarely cast decisive votes in homeland elections, they are not marginal to homeland politics. Courting Migrants looks at how extraterritorial outreach by homeland states and parties alters the boundaries of political membership and intersects with migrant agency to transform politics at home. It addresses three specific questions: under what conditions and in what ways do homeland authorities reach out to migrants? How do these migrants respond? And, to what extent does their response affect homeland governance? Katrina Burgess argues that globalization and the spread of democracy since the 1970s have encouraged politicians in the Global South to reach out to migrants in search of economic resources, foreign policy support, and/or electoral advantage. They do so by cultivating feelings of loyalty that induce some kinds of migrant engagement while discouraging others. Whether or not these politicians succeed depends on where migrants are located, how many resources they have, what kinds of identities they value, and why they left their homeland in the first place. This interaction between outreach and engagement has implications, in turn, for how migrants are responding to the current wave of populism and authoritarianism around the globe. The book is based on in-depth research on state-migrant relations in four high-migration countries: Turkey, Dominican Republic, Philippines, and Mexico.

Manufacturing Possibilities examines adjustment dynamics in the steel, automobile and machinery industries in Germany, the U.S., and Japan since World War II. As national industrial actors in each sector try to compete in global markets, the book argues that they recompose firm and industry boundaries, stakeholder identities and interests and governance mechanisms at all levels of their political economies. Micro level study of industrial transformation in this way provides a significant window on macro level processes of political economic change in the three societies.
Theoretically, the book marks a departure from both neoliberal economic and historical institutionalist perspectives on change in advanced political economies. It characterizes industrial change as a creative, bottom up process driven by reflective social actors. This alternative view consists of two distinctive claims. The first is that action is social, reflective, and ultimately creative. When their interactive habits are disrupted, industrial actors seek to repair their relations by reconceiving them. Such imaginative interaction redefines interest and causes unforeseen possibilities for action to emerge, enabling actors to trump existing rules and constraints. Second, industrial change driven by creative action is recompositional. In the social process of reflection, actors rearrange, modify, reconceive, and reposition inherited organizational forms and governance mechanisms as they experiment with solutions to the challenges that they face. Continuity in relations is interwoven with continuous reform and change. Most remarkably, creativity in the recomposition process makes the introduction of entirely new practices and relations possible.
Ultimately, the message of Manufacturing Possibilities is that social study of change in advanced political economies should devote itself to the discovery of possibility. Preoccupation with constraint and failure to appreciate the capaciousness of reflective social action has led much of contemporary debate to misrecognize the dynamics of change. As a result, discussion of the range of adjustment possibilities in advanced political economies has been unnecessarily limited.

This book analyzes the verticalization of coalition cabinets from the national to the sub-national level. Presenting case studies for countries with federal systems of government, such as Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Germany, and India, as well as those focusing on states with hybrid systems of government, such as Italy, the contributors analyze multilevel government formation processes to identify vertical congruence between national and sub-national coalitions. The book also examines various factors affecting the degree of congruence of political coalitions, such as the degree of decentralization, federalization and institutionalization of political systems, as well as cleavage structure. This book will be a valuable resource for all scholars interested in coalition politics, as well as for politicians and practitioners in government and parliament.

What is the relationship between politics and international law? Rather than exploring this question through the lens of the dominant paradigms of international relations theory - realism, liberalism, and constructivism - this book proposes a different approach. Based on the premise that the relationship varies depending on the sites where it unfolds, and inspired by comparative politics and socio-legal studies, the book develops a novel framework for comparative analysis of politics and international law at different stages of governance and in different governance systems. Expert contributors apply this analytical framework to diverse fields of law and politics. Part I examines the problems of compliance, effectiveness and the domestic enforcement of international law, and legal institutions including domestic and international courts, national legislatures and regime complexes. Part II covers substantive fields of governance such as global financial regulation, environmental standards, trade, intellectual property and human rights. The final chapters in this Part tackle emerging yet critical issues in international law, including terrorism, cyber conflict and Internet regulation. Together, the chapters represent a significant step forward in the comparative analysis of politics and international law. This Research Handbook will be essential reading for students and academics in political science and law alike. Contributors include: W.C. Banks, R. Brewster, A. Chander, K.L. Cope, M. Elsig, B. Faude, T. Gehring, C. Hillebrecht, S. Katzenstein, M.R. Madsen, W. Mattli, J.J. Paust, M.J. Peterson, S. Puig, W. Sandholtz, J. Seddon, S.K. Sell, G. Shaffer, D. Sloss, M. Van Alstine, P.-H. Verdier, M. Versteeg, C.A. Whytock

Policy dismantling is a distinctive form of policy change, which involves the cutting, reduction, diminution or complete removal of existing policies. The perceived need to dismantle existing policies normally acquires particular poignancy during periods of acute economic austerity. Dismantling is thought to be especially productive of political conflict, pitting those who benefit from the status quo against those who, for whatever reason, seek change. However, scholars of public policy have been rather slow to offer a comprehensive account of the precise conditions under which particular aspects of policy are dismantled, grounded in systematic empirical analysis. Although our overall understanding of what causes policy to change has accelerated a lot in recent decades, there remains a bias towards the study of either policy expansion or policy stability. Dismantling does not even merit a mention in most public policy textbooks. Yet without an account of both expansion and dismantling, our understanding of policy change in general, and the politics surrounding the cutting of existing policies, will remain frustratingly incomplete.
This book seeks to develop a more comparative approach to understanding policy dismantling, by looking in greater detail at the dynamics of cutting in two different policy fields: one (social policy) which has been subjected to study before and the other (environmental policy) which has not. On the basis of a systematic analysis of the existing literatures in these two fields, it develops a new analytical framework for measuring and explaining policy dismantling. Through an analysis of six, fresh empirical cases of dismantling written by leading experts, it reveals a more nuanced picture of change, focusing on what actually motivates actors to dismantle, the strategies they use to secure their objectives and the politically significant effects they ultimately generate.
Dismantling Public Policy is essential reading for anyone wanting to better understand a hugely important facet of contemporary policy and politics. It will inform a range of student courses in comparative public policy, politics, social and environmental policy.

This book opens the institutional Pandora's box of conflict management, focusing on two central questions: To what degree do Latin American political contexts create spaces for institutional designs that deal with conflicts in a feasible and legitimate way? How can institutional architects exploit such spaces to manage conflict innovatively? The authors' point of departure is that institutions are primarily conflict-solving entities guiding individual and social behaviour, and that they set out to be much more than rules of the game: institutions do (and should) evolve and are eventually redesigned to meet human necessities. In light of the pending socioeconomic challenges in most of Latin America, institutional designers are confronted with the fact that nothing inherent within the institutions guarantees that conflict is processed in ways that tackle distributive and ethnic inequalities.

With each legislative issue, legislators have to decide whether to delegate decision-making to the executive and/or to expert bodies in order to flesh out the details of this legislation, or, alternatively, to spell out all aspects of this decision in legislation proper. The reasons why to delegate have been of prime interest to political science. The debate has concentrated on principal-agent theory to explain why politicians delegate decision-making to bureaucrats, to independent regulatory agencies, and to others actors and how to control these agents. By contrast, Changing Rules of Delegation focuses on these questions: Which actors are empowered by delegation? Are executive actors empowered over legislative actors? How do legislative actors react to the loss of power? What opportunities are there to change the institutional rules governing delegation in order to (re)gain institutional power and, with it influence over policy outcomes? The authors analyze the conditions and processes of change of the rules that delegate decision-making power to the Commission's implementing powers under comitology. Focusing on the role of the European Parliament the authors explain why the Commission, the Council, and increasingly the Parliament, delegated decision-making to the Commission. If they chose delegation, they still have to determine under which institutional rule comitology should operate. These rules, too, distribute power unequally among actors and therefore raise the question of how they came about in the first place and whether and how the "losers" of a rule change seek to alter the rules at a later point in time.

This timely study analyzes social, economic, political, provider, and patient factors shaping collective patient involvement in European health care from the postwar period to the present day. Examining representative countries England, the Netherlands, Germany, and Sweden, it documents the roles of providers and legislatures in facilitating consumer involvement, and the varied forms of patient input into hospital operations. These findings are compared and contrasted against the intent and ideals behind patient involvement to assess the effectiveness of implementation policy, strengths and drawbacks of patient participation, and patient satisfaction and outcomes. The book's conclusions identify emerging forms of patient participation and predict the impact of health policy on the future of European collective patient involvement. Included in the coverage: * Patient involvement: who, what for, and in what way? * The Netherlands: the legislative process to collective patient involvement * England: formal means of public involvement-a continuous story of discontinuity * Germany: Joint Federal Committee-the "Little Legislator" * Sweden: reasons for a late emergence of patient involvement * Lessons to be learned from implementing patient involvement The Evolution and Everyday Practice of Collective Patient Involvement in Europe will interest and inspire scholars and researchers in diverse fields, including social policy, sociology, political sciences, and nursing studies, as well as patient organizations, policymakers, and healthcare providers.