The airwaves in America are being used by armed militias, conspiracy theorists, survivalists, the religious right, white supremacists, neo-Nazis, and other radical groups to reach millions with their messages of hate and fear. Waves of Rancor examines the origin, nature, and impact of right-wing electronic media, including radio, television, cable, the internet, and even music CDs.

After the war of 1914-1918, Conservatives throughout Britain hoped to establish a peaceful and stable international system, consistent with traditional conservative foreign policy. How to pursue this course was, however, a matter of intense, at times fierce, internal controversy and debate. It was a debate not made easier by the formidable challenges, internal and external, that the post-1918 era presented to traditional Conservative foreign policy.

The publication by Longman of P J Cain and A.G. Hopkins two-volume study of "British Imperialism" (1688-1914; 1914-1994) caused a sensation amongst historians of European imperialism and economic international history. The theory of `gentlemanly capitalism' - the complex of economic, social and political power centring on the City of London - which they developed to explain Britain's imperial expansion has since been expanded , both in its original theory and its implications. Here now is a purpose-built volume prepared in collaboration with the original authors which reviews the latest state of scholarship in the field and develops it further.

This volume is the first comprehensive examination of African American conservative thought and politics from the late eighteenth century to the present. The essays in the collection explore various aspects of African American conservatism, including biographical studies of abolitionist James Forten, clergymen Henry McNeal Turner and J.H. Jackson, and activists A. Philip Randolph and Bayard Rustin. Thematic essays in the volume consider southern black conservatism in the late nineteenth century and after World War I, African American success manuals, Ellisonian cultural criticism , the Nation of Islam, and African Americans and the Republican Party after 1964.

eBook available with sample pages: HB:0415205018

PolitiGuide 2016 summarizes the Republican and Democratic parties' most common viewpoints on each political issue in the 2016 presidential election. This content is presented in an unbiased and "to the point" format so that you can be an informed, articulate, and empowered American voter. Get the big picture, fast with PolitiGuide 2016. Republicans vs. Democrats: Hearing a lot about the Presidential election but want to learn some of the basics? Want to join in political discussions with your friends and family? Tired of all the misleading political articles on social media? Want to learn the main Republican and Democratic arguments on all the major issues? Want to better understand your parties' viewpoint? The opposing parties' viewpoint?

Nearly 20 years after Mrs Thatcher first came to power the debate over the significance of what has been termed the New Right continues. Did the 1980s and 1990s see the death of planning and other areas of the public sector as some have claimed or were reports of their demise premature? This book tackles this and other questions. Experts in a wide range of land use policy areas examine the changes that were brought about during the 1980s and 1990s in planning and the environment, and argue that much less was achieved than expected. There is little doubt that New Right policy has had a major influence on the shape and direction of British politics. The planning system reacted to these changes in a way that altered or diluted centrally directed proposals. How this came about tells us as much about the shape and power of local planning in the UK as it does about the ability of central government to impose its preferred policies. Urban planning and the British New Right says as much about the administration, institutions and processes of planning as it does about Mrs Thatcher's attempts to change it.

Nineteenth century Spain deserves wider readership. Bedevilled by lost empires, wars, political instability and frustrated modernisation, the country appeared backward in relation to northern Europe and even in relation to much of its own geographical periphery. This new history, the first survey of its kind in English in more than a hundred years, offers a fresh perspective on this century, showing how and why elements of backwardness and modernity ran in parallel through Spain. Bounded by the military and imperial crises of 1808 and 1898, this study pays special attention to the experience of war on politics and society, and integrates the latest historical debates in its analysis.

From the time of the Abyssinian crisis through to the outbreak of World War II in western Europe, the British government was marked by very diverse attitudes with regard to, and adopted diverse policies towards, the fascist dictators of Europe. This work provides a complete history of the Conservative Party from 1930 to 1940 and explores its responses to the problems of fascism. It details the historical context for the foreign policy of the period and examines the historiography of the Conservative Party. The author also includes a chronological outline of the international situation between Hitler's rise to power in 1933 and the outbreak of war. Drawing on neglected sources, including little known diaries, memoirs and minutes, this book gives a new perspective on the Party's policies focusing on members of the government aside from just Chamberlain and highlights important aspects such as the controversy over national service. By exploiting new evidence and archives, the author provides alternative and original interpretations of the reactions of various elelments of the Conservative Party to the deepening international crisis.

This book is a critique of Cambridge School Historical Contextualism as the currently dominant mode of history of political thought, drawing upon Michael Oakeshott's analysis of the logic of historical enquiry. While acknowledging that the early Cambridge School work represented a considerable advance towards genuinely historical histories of political thought, this work identifies two major historiographical problems that have become increasingly acute. The first is general: an insufficiently rigorous understanding of the key concept of "pastness" necessarily presupposed in historical enquiry of all kinds. The second is specific to histories of political thought: a failure to do justice to the varieties of past political thinking, especially differences between ideology and philosophy. In addressing these problems, the author offers a comprehensive account of the history of political thought that establishes the parameters not just of histories of ideological thinking but also of the much disputed character of histories of political philosophy. Since rethinking history of political thought in Oakeshottian terms requires resisting current pressures to turn history into the servant of currently felt needs, the book offers a sustained defence of the cultural value of modernist historical enquiry against its opponents. An important work for political theorists, historians of political thought and those researching intellectual history, the philosophy of history and proposed new directions in contemporary historical studies.

First published in 1998, this volume offers some solutions to the inherent difficulties with moving from philosophical generalities to specific policies, by exploring how a bridge might be built between political philosophy and social policy analysis. In light of these findings, Steven R. Smith evaluates the relationship between the Centre-Left and the New Right, focusing on the way in which concepts of individual autonomy and equality are used by political philosophers and social policy makers. Smith explores post-1945 training, education, social security and community care policy within the United Kingdom.

A groundbreaking look at the lives of George H. W. Bush and George W. Bush, the most consequential father-son pair in American history, often in their own words. In this revealing, often poignant work, presidential historian Mark K. Updegrove tracks the two Bush presidents from their formative years through their post-presidencies and the failed presidential candidacy of Jeb Bush, derailing the Bush presidential dynasty. Drawing extensively on exclusive access and interviews with both Bush presidents, Updegrove reveals for the first time their influences and perspectives on each other's presidencies; their views on family, public service, and America's role in the world; and their unvarnished thoughts on Donald Trump and the radical transformation of the Republican Party he now leads. In 2016 George W. Bush lamented privately that he might be "the last Republican president." Donald Trump's election marked the end not only to the Bushes' hold on the White House, but of a rejection of the Republican principles of civility and international engagement and leadership that the Bushes have long championed. The Last Republicans offers illuminating, moving portraits of the forty-first and forty-third presidents, as well as an elegy for the Republican "establishment," which once stood for putting the interests of the nation over those of any single man.

Most studies of the radical right have tended to concentrate on particular movements in a single country, neglecting to a greater or lesser extent the international dimensions of right-wing extremism. Merkl and Weinberg adopt a comparative perspective, concentrating on the revival of the right across a variety of countries.

Most studies of the radical right concentrate on movements in a single country, neglecting to some extent the international dimensions of right-wing extremism. Here, Merkl and Weinberg adopt a comparative perspective, concentrating on the revival of the right across a variety of countries.

This text describes and explains the sense of uncertainty faced by educators as the millenium approaches. It highlights the many transitions taking place in all aspects of public life and education during the postmodern phase of late capitalism by using examples from the study of childhood, curriculum, pedagogy, assessment and organization of education. It also considers attempts made so far by policy makers in the western industrialized nations to come to terms with rapid cultural and social changes whilst, at the same time, trying to maintain competitive economies to meet the growing challenge of the emergent Pacific Rim nations.

Conservative Thought in Contemporary China examines the evolution of conservative politics in China, which has become increasingly present following the death of Mao Zedong in 1978. Peter Moody traces the roots of conservatism through the imperial system, the Republican period, and the pre-Cultural Revolution People's Republic, all of which influence contemporary Chinese politics. The most direct programmatic form of conservativism has been neo-conservativism politics, which formed during the Jiang Zemin regime and persists to the present age in a diluted version. This book demonstrates that conservative thought is a consequence of relatively broad cultural and economic liberty, China's resentment of American arrogance, and a fear of the social turmoil generated as a by-product of liberal economic reforms. Moody critically analyzes the influence of antipolitics and traditional values on the current ideology of Chinese politicians and citizens. Conservative Thought in Contemporary China is a insightful text that will captivate those interested in Chinese studies and political theory.

This text presents a controversial expose of the rise of the anti-environmental movement in the USA and its rapid spread worldwide. Rowell reveals how extreme violence, threats and international scapegoating and polarization seek to intimidate activists into inactivity and silence over oil company operations in Nigeria, the UK anti-roads movement, Canadian and Australian forestry and European marine resource disputes, Brent Spar and other recent controversies. The tide is turning against environmentalism as the political Right, industry and governments fight back. The backlash is set to get worse as resource wars intensify. But by offering a greater understanding of the challenges and threats facing global environmentalism, this book presents the environmental movement with a chance to reevaluate and change to beat the backlash before it is too late.

This book offers a distinctive treatment of Hayek's ideas, as a "research programme". It presents a detailed account of aspects of Hayek's intellectual development and of problems that arise within his work, and then offers some broad suggestions as to ways in which the programme initiated in his work might be developed further.


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Only now is it possible to see Edward Heath's controversial administration (1970-1974) in balanced historical perspective - and increasingly it seems a turning-point for postwar Britain. This timely volume explores the agenda of the Heath government in all its aspects (including economy, industrial relations, social policy, immigration, Northern Ireland, British entry into Europe, and foreign relations), assesses how far it achieved its aims, and examines the response to them. The book is based upon much new research, including the archives of the Conservative Party and the TUC, and interviews with many of those involved at the heart of government. The result will be essential reading for anyone interested in modern British history, politics and government.

Contributors include PAUL ARTHUR, LEWIS BASTON, VERNON BOGDANOR, ALEC CAIRNCROSS, CHRISTOPHER HILL, DENNIS KAVANAGH, ZIG LAYTON-HENRY, CHRISTOPHER LORD, RODNEY LOWE, JOHN RAMSDEN, ROBERT TAYLOR, KEVIN THEAKSTON, JOHN YOUNG.

Dr. Ralph Cantafio traces the great changes which have occurred in American society over the past twenty years as a result of political, ethical and moral decline. An in-depth look at the forces that have turned American society away from the path as envisioned by our forefathers.

The Vision of Richard Weaver is the first collection of essays about the seminal thinker. It examines the dual nature of human beings and the quest for civilized communities in a corrupted age that believed in the religion of science and in the "natural goodness" of man.

This first volume in a new series comprises nine contributions originally presented at a workshop supported by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Berlin in August, 1994. Topics range from right-wing violence in North America to the development, patterns, and causes of violence against fore

The role of the Spanish Right in the course of the twentieth-century has been a neglected area of academic study. The Politics of Revenge redresses this providing a succinct and disturbing account.

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Wilhelm Roepke may have been the soundest economist of the twentieth century. He understood the limitations as well as the strengths of his discipline. Economists are often tempted to take the easy way out, by denying reality to aspects of human existence and reducing them to arbitrary and subjective tastes and preferences. Roepke never does this, and this is his strength. He realizes that all of these are legitimate aspects of human experience which must be satisfied in a balanced and harmonious social existence. Nature, sex, religion, beauty, and politics are all meaningful as parts of the whole. Problems occur only when each segment attempts to become the whole.

The original title of this book, Civitas Humana, contains a double meaning. It promises a treatment of questions fundamental not only to human society but also to humane society. The volume combines distinct aspects of life. Half of the book is devoted to questions of economic and social life. The other half examines spiritual and national life. Chapters include "Moral Foundations," "The Place of Science in the City of Man," "Counterweights to the State," "Congestion and Proletarianisation of Society," and "Economic System and International New Order."

Although Roepke recognized the validity of the nation in the modern world, he was constantly trying to find the smaller agencies within society in which real allegiances and loyalties were to be developed. His ideas continue to be of significance. As described by William F. Campbell in the new introduction, The Moral Foundations of Civil Society is a necessary addition to the libraries of economists, sociologists, theologians, and philosophers.

For nearly 40 years "among the glades of Epping Forest" Churchill found a base for his parliamentary life. This book relates with anecdotal and archival evidence the attempt to unseat him after what many supporters considered an injudicious Munich speech.