Fills a serious gap in German historical literature by providing the first political biography of Jung, a leading figure of the anti-Nazi Right. By the time of his death, Edgar Julius Jung (1894-1934) was well known in Germany and Europe as one of the foremost ideologues of the political movement that called itself the Conservative Revolution and as a right-wing opponent of the Nazis. He was speechwriter for and confidant of Franz von Papen (first Hitler's predecessor as chancellor, then Hitler's vice-chancellor), which put him at the center of political events right up until the Nazi seizure of power. Considered by Baldur von Schirach and Goebbels to be one of the worst enemies of the Nazis, Jung was assassinated by the Nazi regime in June 1934. The eleven years of Nazi rule that followed contributed to Jung's neglect by historians, as did distaste, since the war's end and the founding of the Federal Republic on democratic principles, for his strongly antidemocratic stance. Although there have been several studies on Jung's political thought,there has been until now no biography in German or English. Roshan Magub's book therefore fills a serious gap in German historical literature. It shows that Jung's opposition to National Socialism dates from the earliest days andthat he had a very close relationship with the Ruhr industry, which supported him financially and enabled him to reach a nationwide audience. Magub uses, for the first time, all the available material from the archives in Munich,Koblenz, Cologne, and Berlin, and the whole of Jung's Nachlass. Her book sheds new light on Jung and demonstrates his importance in Germany's political history. Roshan Magub holds a PhD from Birkbeck College, University of London.

In his #1 bestsellers "Liberty and Tyranny" and "Ameritopia," Mark R. Levin has all but predicted the current assault on our individual liberties, state sovereignty, and the social compact--the inevitable result of an all-powerful, ubiquitous central government. Fortunately, such dire circumstances were anticipated by the Founding Fathers, who gave us the means to amend the Constitution in order to preserve our rights and pre-vent governmental behemoths. Here, Levin turns to the Constitution and its Framers to lay forth eleven specific prescriptions, thoughtfully con-structed within the Framers' design, for restoring the American Republic. His proposals are pure common sense, ideas shared by many--such as term limits for members of Congress and Supreme Court justices and lim-its on federal taxing and spending--that draw on the wisdom of James Madison, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, and others. With "The Liberty Amendments," the American people can take the first step toward reclaiming what belongs to them.

Glenn Beck, the New York Times bestselling author of The Great Reset--issues a startling challenge to people on both sides of the aisle: America is addicted to outrage, we're at the height of a twenty-year bender, and we need an intervention. In the instant New York Times bestseller, Glenn Beck addresses how America has become more and more divided--both politically and socially. Americans are now less accepting, less forgiving, and have lost faith in many of the country's signature ideals. They are quick to point a judgmental finger at the opposing party, are unwilling to doubt their own ideologies, and refuse to have any self-awareness whatsoever. Beck states that this current downward spiral will ultimately lead to the destruction of everything America has fought so hard to preserve. This is not simply a Republican problem. This is not simply a Democratic problem. This is everyone's burden, and we need to think like recovering addicts and change. Mirroring traditional twelve-step programs, Beck outlines the actions that Americans must follow in order to prevent a farther decline down this current path of hostile bitterness. Drawing from his own life experiences and including relevant examples for each step, he is able to lead us to a more hopeful, happy future. From learning how to believe in something greater than ourselves to understanding the importance of humility, each chapter encourages self-reflection and growth. Addicted to Outrage is a timely and necessary guide for how Americans--right and left--must change to survive.

For Hayek, spontaneous order - the emergence of complex order as the unintended consequence of individual actions that have no such end in view - is both the origin of the Great Society and its underlying principle. These sometimes critical essays assess Hayek's position and argue that his work can inform contemporary social and political dilemmas.

This book publishes the English translation of texts that appeared first in Gennan in two separate booklets. Part One, The Ethics of Capitalism includ- ing the comment by JAMES M. BUCHANAN, has been published in Gennan under the title Ethik des Kapitalismus, Ttibingen (J.C.B. Mohr [paul Sie- beck)) 1982, 5th edition 1995, in the series "Walter Eucken Institut, Vort:rt1ge und Aufsatze", vol. 87. Part Two, Evolution and Society. A Critique of So- ciobiology, appeared first in German under the title Evolution und Gesell- schaft. Eine Auseinandersetzung mit der Soziobiologie, Ttibingen (J.e.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck)) 1984, 2nd edition 1989, in the same series, vol. 98. Part One of the book has been translated by the author, Part Two by DAVID AMBUEL. I should like to thank Liberty Fund Inc., Indianapolis, USA, for its sup- port of the translation of Part Two, Georg Siebeck of J.C.B. Mohr (paul Siebeck) Publishers, Ttibingen, for the pennission to publish the English translation of the two essays and to my co-workers at the Forschungsinstitut ftir Philosophie Hannover -The Hannover Institute of Philosophical Re- search, Hannover, Germany, for their support in editing this volume.

Updated for Obama's last year in office, the liberal syndicated radio and television host Bill Press reflects on how the Obama administration has failed and disillusioned the American left. The bestselling liberal syndicated radio and television host Bill Press turns a critical eye on Barack Obama and assesses why his performance as president on issues liberals care deeply about has failed the American left. Press argues efficiently that Obama may have drawn the wrong lessons from the enthusiastic crowds that swarmed around him on the campaign trail in 2008--instead of seeing the potential and desire for a stronger progressivism, Obama tried to rise above and unite the parties. The tragedy of the Obama presidency is that, by trying to be the first "post-partisan" president, he ended up being one of the weakest. On issues as far ranging as gun safety to health care to foreign policy, Obama has let voters down by simply not doing enough or taking the wrong actions. As Press describes it, liberals began the Obama presidency with high hopes, and they now near its end with deep disappointment and a sense of buyer's remorse.

This book provides a comprehensive introduction to significant U.S. health policy controversies, including Democratic and Republican responses to the coronavirus pandemic. It explores partisan divisions, major challenges, and policy preferences of key Democratic and Republican stakeholders. This volume provides readers with a broad overview of a variety of issues in contemporary health policy that span health care reform, health insurance, pharmaceuticals, public health, health care for underserved populations, and responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. The book explores the politics of each issue, drawing upon historical evidence, legislative research, public opinion polls, and the views of key decision makers from both Democratic and Republican perspectives. This coverage provides readers with a clear sense of how policymakers from each party think about the issues involved. This resource devotes special attention to the COVID-19 public health crisis, providing authoritative coverage of the actions, rhetoric, and policy choices of President Trump and his administration, governors across the nation, and leaders of Congress from both parties. This chapter, like all others in the book, is written so that it is accessible to readers from a variety of audience levels, including students and general readers. Identifies key milestones and policy decisions that shape contemporary debates over each issue Uses a nonpartisan, unbiased, and impartial lens to help readers understand not only where parties stand on contested health policy issues, but how these disagreements reflect larger ideological and partisan views Brings both a historical perspective and a detailed view of policymaking-and the role of political institutions-to each topic addressed Informs readers about the ethical, historical, and legal context of each issue Provides a chronology of events in U.S. health care policy Includes further readings of important and illuminating sources at the end of each chapter

This important book presents a compelling case that traditional received theory (Paretian-utilitarian) has followed a dangerous path one not espoused by Adam Smith and Nobel Laureate James Buchanan. The latter viewed value and preferences as mutable (not 'given') and believed that rights systems must underlie moral law and impartial justice. Men must be 'taken as they are' in this system. Adoption of the Smith-Buchanan paradigm, Professor Roth brilliantly argues, leads to the kind of moral and political philosophy that informs the science of statutes and legislators that underpins our Founding Fathers' republican self-government project.' - Bob Ekelund, Professor and Eminent Scholar in Economics (Emeritus), Auburn University, USEconomists and the State shows how modern economists have strayed far from Adam Smith's procedurally based, consequence-detached political economy. Timothy P. Roth argues that this wrong turn has left economists ill-equipped to address an expanding federal enterprise and new threats to our self-governing republic. He subsequently sets out to offer ways to redress this. Making the case for a return to the moral and political philosophy that informed Adam Smith's 'science of the statesman or legislator,' this book argues that economists must reject their relentlessly utilitarian, teleological theory of the state and embrace Nobel Laureate James M. Buchanan's constitutional political economy project. The author outlines the specific requirements of a non-teleological conception of the state - a conception that is vital to the continuing development of a theory of the state informed by a prior ethical commitment to the moral equivalence of persons. This book will appeal to scholars and students of political economy, political thought, public choice economics and Austrian economics as well as to practitioners and policy-makers interested in how economics should support those serving the public. Contents: Preface 1. The Smithian Inheritance 2. Institutions Matter 3. What Economists Do 4. The Founders' Republican Self-government Project Derailed 5. What Has Been Wrought 6. What Went Wrong 7. What Should Economists Do? References Index

In this outstanding volume, Mimi Gladstein details Rand's belief in the moral supremacy of individualism over collectivism, highlighting her contribution to libertarian thought. The novelist and philosopher Ayn Rand was one of the most influential 20th century advocates of free market capitalism. Her work inspired Objectivism, a philosophical movement and former US Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan cited Rand as a formative intellectual influence. In this outstanding volume, Mimi Gladstein details Rand's belief in the moral supremacy of individualism over collectivism, highlighting her contribution to libertarian thought. "Major Conservative and Libertarian Thinkers" provides comprehensive accounts of the works of seminal conservative thinkers from a variety of periods, disciplines and traditions - the first series of its kind. Even the selection of thinkers adds another aspect to conservative thinking, including not only theorists but also thinkers in literary forms and those who are also practitioners. The series comprises twenty volumes, each including an intellectual biography, historical context, critical exposition of the thinker's work, reception and influence, contemporary relevance, bibliography including references to electronic resources and an index.

This title is an important addition to the "MCLT" series. This volume includes an intellectual biography, historical context, critical exposition of Alexis de Tocqueville's work, reception and influence, contemporary relevance, bibliography including references to electronic resources and an index. "Major Conservative and Libertarian Thinkers" provides comprehensive accounts of the works of seminal conservative thinkers from a variety of periods, disciplines and traditions - the first series of its kind. Even the selection of thinkers adds another aspect to conservative thinking, including not only theorists but also thinkers in literary forms and those who are also practitioners. The series is comprised of twenty volumes.

* Takes a unique perspective by examining political ideology and behaviour via evolutionary psychology and genetics to explain conservative and liberal differences * Fascinating reading for students and academics in psychology, the social sciences, and humanities, as well as general readers interested in political behavior * Explores the potential future of political behavior and participation in relation to possible consequences of evolution and genetics

A new understanding of the slow drift to extremes in American politics that shows how the anti-abortion movement remade the Republican Party "A timely and expert guide to one of today's most hot-button political issues."-Publishers Weekly (starred review) "A sober, knowledgeable scholarly analysis of a timely issue."-Kirkus Reviews "[Ziegler's] argument [is] that, over the course of decades, the anti-abortion movement laid the groundwork for an insurgent candidate like Trump."-Jennifer Szalai, New York Times The modern Republican Party is the party of conservative Christianity and big business-two things so closely identified with the contemporary GOP that we hardly notice the strangeness of the pairing. Legal historian Mary Ziegler traces how the anti-abortion movement helped to forge and later upend this alliance. Beginning with the Supreme Court's landmark decision in Buckley v. Valeo, right-to-lifers fought to gain power in the GOP by changing how campaign spending-and the First Amendment-work. The anti-abortion movement helped to revolutionize the rules of money in U.S. politics and persuaded conservative voters to fixate on the federal courts. Ultimately, the campaign finance landscape that abortion foes created fueled the GOP's embrace of populism and the rise of Donald Trump. Ziegler offers a surprising new view of the slow drift to extremes in American politics-and explains how it had everything to do with the strange intersection of right-to-life politics and campaign spending.

This is the fourth volume in the "Major Conservative and Libertarian Thinkers" series. Joseph Schumpeter (1883-1950) was one of the foremost economic thinkers of the twentieth century. Today Schumpeter is most well-known for his idea of 'creative destruction'. This is the notion that a market economy is simultaneously creative and destructive and therein lies the process of renewal that is central to the endurance and also the unpopularity of capitalism. Schumpeter's work also contains one of the most important conservative critiques of mass democracy. Schumpeter argued that mass democracy had totalitarian tendencies and was likely to degenerate into the tyranny of the popular.

History, Historians, and Conservatism in Britain and America examines the subjects, motives, and personal and intellectual origins of conservative historians who were also successful public intellectuals. In their search for a persuasive and wide appeal, conservatives depended until at least the 1960s upon history and historians to provide conservative concepts with authority and authenticity. Beginning with the Great War in Britain and the Second World War in America, conservative historians participated actively and influentially in debates about the heart, soul, and especially the mind of conservatism. Particular emphasis is placed on four historians in Britain--F. J. C. Hearnshaw, Keith Feiling, Arthur Bryant, and Herbert Butterfield--and three in America-Daniel Boorstin, Peter Viereck, and Russell Kirk-who developed conservative responses to unprecedented and threatening events both at home and abroad. These historians shared basic assumptions about human nature and society, but their subjects, interpretations, conclusions, and prescriptions were independent and idiosyncratic. Uniquely close to powerful political figures, each historian also spoke directly to a large public, which bought their books, read their contributions to newspapers and journals, listened to them on the radio, and watched them on television.
Provocative and compelling, Reba Soffer's pioneering study provides a comprehensive explanation of the content, context, and consequences of conservative ideas that became dominant in Britain and remained marginal in America until the Reagan ascendancy.

This is the fifth volume in the "Major Conservative and Libertarian Thinkers Series". Since the dawn of the Enlightenment, modernity and the Papacy have experienced a difficult though never severed relationship. "Modern Papacy" goes beyond the caricatures to demonstrate how the popes - specifically John Paul II and Benedict XVI - have articulated a sophisticated critique of the post-Enlightenment world, one that acknowledges the real progress made in modernity while simultaneously highlighting its political and philosophical shortcomings. Far from falling on deaf ears, the nature of their engagement with the modern world has sparked criticism and praise from Catholics and non-Catholics alike - sometimes in surprising ways. Whether the subject is faith and reason, religion and the modern sciences, the roots and future of Europe, or the origin and ends of human freedom, John Paul II and Benedict XVI pose questions that simply cannot be ignored, regardless of whether one likes their answers. "Major Conservative and Libertarian Thinkers" provides comprehensive accounts of the works of seminal conservative thinkers from a variety of periods, disciplines and traditions - the first series of its kind. Even the selection of thinkers adds another aspect to conservative thinking, including not only theorists but also thinkers in literary forms and those who are also practitioners. The series comprises twenty volumes, each including an intellectual biography, historical context, critical exposition of the thinker's work, reception and influence, contemporary relevance, bibliography including references to electronic resources and an index.

Investigates historic strands of conservative thought and responds to the radical changes which many think have transformed the Conservative party into a populist movement upholding English nationalism. All Souls College Oxford was one of the meeting points of English public intellectuals in the twentieth century. Its Fellows prided themselves on agreeing in everything except their opinions. They included Cabinet Ministers from all the three major parties, and academics of diverse political allegiances, who met for frank conversations and lively disagreements. Davenport-Hines investigates historic strands of conservative thought: aversion to rapid and disruptive change, mistrust of majority opinions, prizing of community loyalties and pride over the assertion of aggressive individualism, the recession of the Church of England, and the impact of militarism. Conservative Thinkers from All Souls College Oxford draws on the ideas of two conservative thinkers, 'Trimmer' Halifax and Michael Oakeshott, to examine the conservative assumptions, ideas, writings and influence of seven Fellows of All Souls from the last century. Their brands of conservatism regarded popular democracy as an unavoidable necessity which must be managed rather than loved. Their scepticism about the rule of the people was rooted in a meritocratic commitment to the government of the wise. They disliked plutocracy, regretted consumerism, and loathed sloppy and self-serving thought. All were more or less dissatisfied with the workings of the Westminster parliamentary model.

In mid-July 1997, just as the Dow Jones Industrial Average broke 8,000, the federal government announced that personal bankruptcies were at an all-time high, and Second Harvest, the largest food bank network in America, reported increased demand at half of its distribution centers. But this paradox is not new. Throughout the last decade, economists have extolled the virtues and successes of the U.S. economy, while plants have closed, companies have downsized, and those who remain are fearful about their jobs. Contrary to popular opinion, the free-spending liberals have not driven this country to its current level of economic anxiety; it is, in fact, the conservatives. Current economic policy, Cummings argues, is the product of a union between conservative Republican and conservative Southern economic policy-a union that began in the late 1960s. Before the 1960s, the Southern economy operated as a conservative economic incubator isolated from the rest of the country, and conservative Republicans had to contend with both Democrats and liberal Republicans. After 1969, with Republicans in the White House and with the help of Wallace supporters and later Reagan Democrats, Southern conservative economic policy combined with Republican policy and was gradually exported to the rest of the country. This collaboration and its growing political influence culminated in the Republican control of Congress in the 1990s. Over the decades the South has become more Republican and Southern leaders have had an increasing influence in the Republican Party and in economic policy as a whole. The conservative policy initiatives from this political union have led to some of the same economic problems that have plagued the South since Reconstruction and, fostered by conservative Republicans in the 1920s, ushered in the Great Depression. Current policies, argues Cummings, are leading the country into a similar trap.

Capitalism and Socialism in Cuba documents the history of the attempts by a small island nation to survive and gain respectability within an everchanging international political economy. Professor Ruffin presents a detailed account of the social, political, and economic forces affecting Cuba's prospects for development under both capitalism and socialism. Part one of the study focuses on Cuba's historical association with capitalism and the relationship that Cuba established with the United States. Part two of the study delineates the nature of Cuba-Soviet relations and deals exclusively with the question of socialist dependency. Professor Ruffin's study is a systematic analysis of the internal (race and class formations) and external (capitalism and socialism) factors that have thus far shaped Cuban history.

This is a book for our political moment. As Doug Schoen (The End of Authority, Rowman & Littlefield, 2013) warned us nearly a decade ago, we are facing a wholesale lack of trust in our institutions. This problem has deep roots within liberalism, and it cannot be solved by tweaking the liberal paradigm, in which different conceptions of the good exclude each other as well as a nonexclusive common good. The essence of liberalism is contained in the language of "values," which in politics serves as wedges to divide people, as Jo Renee Formicola has shown (The Politics of Values, Rowman & Littlefield, 2008). Scholars are beginning to imagine a postliberal paradigm, preeminently John Milbank and Adrian Pabst in their Politics of Virtue (Rowman & Littlefield, 2016). The liberal approach is nearing its end, yet at the moment its tentacles seem impossible to escape. In no small part this because its assumptions are embedded in our political language, in the language of "values," as well as terms like "morality," "sovereignty," and "secular." Only a thoroughgoing survey, reaching back to the early modern era, can uncover the nature of liberalism's basic assumptions and diagnose its breakdown. This book therefore complements and grounds critiques of liberalism such as Patrick Deneen's Why Liberalism Failed (2018). This book does so by questioning values language, building on Edward Andrew's The Genealogy of Values (Rowman & Littlefield, 1995), the only monograph on the topic in English. Central to liberalism is a denial of a good that is qualitatively superior to individual interest: individuals disagree about the good - they have different values - and the state protects us from fighting each other. By contrast, a postliberal political philosophy is able to understand the common good as friendship and social trust, which are built up by loyalty. The pursuit of "values" and of "morality" in liberalism actually distorts and harms the common good as friendship: if I am loyal to certain impersonal "values," that means I am not loyal to you. Political thinkers have, however, systematically ignored the phenomenon of friendship over the past five hundred years. No other book on liberalism connects so many dots. The target audience is graduate students and scholars. Topics covered along the way in this work include the shortcomings of the concept of "sovereignty" and the invention of "morality" as its supplement, the inappropriateness of the distinction between the empirical and the transcendental, the true nature of the secular and the sacred, the necessarily symbolic expression of the common good, and the false conceptualization of "religion" and politics.

This edited volume brings together leading specialists in Conservative Party politics to examine the effectiveness with which the Cameron led coalition has adapted to the demands of government. While the main focus is on the first year in office, there are insights into why a Conservative modernisation statecraft strategy resulted in a hung Parliament and the need to form a coalition. The coherence of the policy agenda that informs 'liberal conservatism' is analyzed and the impact of the coalition on party policy across a range of social and foreign areas is examined; including economic, European and immigration policies, as well as territorial politics. The contributors also consider how cohesive and unified the coalition actually is in parliamentary terms and the effectiveness of Cameron as leader and Prime Minister. They also evaluate the impact of the coalition on wider perceptions of party politics and on 'New' Labour and how it has adapted to opposition.