The Cross and Reaganomics: Conservative Christians Defending Ronald Reagan, by Eric R. Crouse, offers important insights on why Reaganomics was a major reason conservative Christians supported Reagan at the polls. On election night in November 1980, Americans witnessed the victory of a conservative to the presidency. With the United States experiencing economic stagnation and high inflation, many were hopeful of Ronald Reagan's deeds matching his optimistic rhetoric of America's potential. What followed was a decade of economic transformation, military buildup, and a political awakening of conservatism. One story that has not received much attention is the relationship between conservative Christians and Ronald Reagan's economic policies. Crouse argues that conservative Christians were among the strongest champions of limited government, free enterprise (particularly small business), and anticommunism. A surprising number of conservative Christian leaders discussed the works of major free market economists. Conservative Christians embraced and tapped into the traditional American values of individual opportunity, personal responsibility, and human freedom-all themes they believed were front and center in Reaganomics. Although American pluralism prevented any plan to Christianize the nation by politics, in the sphere of economics conservative Christians did witness political and cultural gains.

What happened to economic policy during the first five years of Mrs Thatcher's government? Most commentators have emphasised the radical changes wrought in economic theory and policy over the period from 1979. The left saw this as heralding the introduction of the social market economy and authoritarian populism, the right saw it as evangelical monetarism and a new beginning. This book, first published in 1986, challenges the notion that there was a revolution in economic policy making. It emphasises the constraints on economic policy formation and the ironies that these have thrown up with respect to the Conservatives' attempts at changing the course of the economy. The book argues that the Thatcher government had not been able to implement a great deal of its rhetoric. This book is ideal for students of economics and politics.

Despite the increasing academic interest in populism, we still lack understanding of individual factors contributing to populist voting. One of the main reasons for this is that populism is almost always attached to other ideologies which makes it difficult to isolate factors. This book draws on an innovative research design by comparing the reasons to vote for six populist parties which differ remarkably in terms of their host ideology in Belgium, The Netherlands, and Germany. The results show that populist voters are motivated by their dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy and a desire for more direct democracy. Furthermore it appears that populist parties do not mobilize among one specific social group although deprived groups are generally more susceptible to populist voting. Finally, this study explored why some populist parties persist while others decline. Origins of party formation and how leaders organize their party internally seem the most important factors determining party persistence. This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of populism, European politics and contemporary political theory.

In this book, leading scholars from East Asia and beyond debate Michael Oakeshott's views on liberal democracy and totalitarianism and their implications for East Asia today. His ideas on rationality in politics, the nature of liberal democracy, and how democracy can defeat anti-liberal politics are explored in ten penetrating essays.

Since the 1880s, the Conservative Party has been an important political force in Britain. In this study of Conservative ideology since the end of Second World War, first published in 1974, Andrew Gamble considers the nature of Conservative party opinion, and the factors that have accounted for its success. The adaptation of the party post-1945 is discussed, as well as the ascendancy of the Right progressives in the leadership, and the challenge of the Whigs and Imperialists. Finally, the book includes a discussion of the fluctuations within the Conservative Government between 1970 and 1974, with an account of what Gamble believes to have been ultimately a failure. A rigorous and comprehensive analysis of Conservative thought and policy, this study will be of particular value to those with an interest in the history of British Conservative politics and government.

Volume 14 in the "Major Conservative and Libertarian Thinkers" series focuses on Karl Popper, an important and controversial thinker of the 20th century. Karl Popper is best known for his contributions to the philosophy of science and the history of ideas. Elements of Popper's thought were clearly libertarian or conservative in character. His politics, however, were recognisably social democratic. His ideal of an open society was not a free market utopia, but a political community in which diverse people engaged with one another in constructive dialogue to seek political solutions to common problems. If Popper made important and enduring contributions to the libertarian and conservative traditions, it would be a mistake to uncritically label him a conservative or libertarian. Rather, Popper was a scholar who contributed to a range of different fields without being shackled to one particular perspective or approach. It is in this context that we should understand Popper's contribution to libertarian and conservative thought. "Major Conservative and Libertarian Thinkers" provides comprehensive accounts of the works of seminal conservative thinkers from a variety of periods, disciplines, and traditions - the first series of its kind. Even the selection of thinkers adds another aspect to conservative thinking, including not only theorists but also writers and practitioners. The series comprises twenty volumes, each including an intellectual biography, historical context, critical exposition of the thinker's work, reception and influence, contemporary relevance, bibliography including references to electronic resources, and an index.

This interdisciplinary study offers an analytical and theoretical framework for understanding the dynamics of political change and self-determination when indigenous people assert claims of aboriginal status. How have certain peoples--who make up less than two percent of the national population, who are poor, and who are dispersed and on the economic and political periphery of the modern western democracies where they live--been able to extract legislative and constitutional concessions that allow them greater self-determination from large, wealthy, and powerful ethno-national groups? Werther's findings, which contradict existing ideas, should be of considerable interest to students and scholars in political science, anthropology, ethnic studies, international and constitutional law, and intellectual history. Following a brief introduction about self-determination movements as quiet revolutions and a discussion of theoretical method, the study defines aboriginal status and discusses the macrostructuring of political claims, micropolitical processes and clashes of claims, and aboriginal status in six democratic states. Appendixes point to people claiming aboriginal status in the countries under study, list those who can legitimately assert this status, and offer some considerations on basic definitions important to this cross-disciplinary study. A bibliography is also provided.

From its inception in 2001, the United Russia Party has rapidly developed into a hugely successful, organisationally-complex political party and key component of power. This book provides a much needed analysis on United Russia by exploring the role of the party in the Russian political system, from 2000 to 2010. It explores the party empirically, as an impressive organisation in its own right, but also theoretically, as an independent or explanatory variable able to illumine the larger development of dominant-power politics in Russia in the same period.

The book creates a model to understand the role of political parties in electorally-based political systems and shows how United Russia conforms to this model, and importantly, how the party also has unique features that affect its place in the political system. The book goes on to argue that United Russia represents a virtual party hegemony, an outcome of political changes occurring elsewhere, and so a reversal of the typical relationship between parties and power found in comparative literature. This has potentially far reaching implications for our understanding of party dominance in the twenty-first century and also the sources of regime stability and instability.

Recent election success across the continent strikingly demonstrates the endurance of the extreme right in Europe. Piero Ignazi's volume provides the definitive account of this important political phenomenon. What is its significance? Why have such parties prospered in some countries and not others? Who votes for them and why? These are some of the questions that the book aims to answer during the course of its borad-ranging analysis.

The Story Of The 'hussards" --It has long been assumed that France was dominated by the political left wing and by Existentialism throughout the 1940s and 1950s. This is the first book to re-evaluate the impact of the vigorous and unrepentant right-wing cultural and literary movement during the postwar period.
In this revealing study, the author concentrates on three neglected but significant writers who constitute the group known as the 'Hussards': Roger Nimier, Antoine Blondin and Jacques Laurent. He offers a detailed analysis of the work of the 'Hussards' and others on the fringe of this iconoclastic group who aggressively (and sometimes violently) opposed Existentialism while adopting a tradition from the 1920s full of nostalgia for lost values.
Students and scholars will find that this book fills an important gap in French literary and cultural history of the postwar period.

Republicans have proven adept at getting middle-class voters to vote against their own pocketbooks. George W. Bush and his advisors promised economic growth, jobs and an ownership society but delivered a housing finance bubble, Wall Street profits fueled by fraud, a recession, budget deficits, low economic growth, massive job losses and upward transfers of middle-class wealth.

In Fools and Knaves, author Howard Green explores both the short-term and long-term effects of Republican-controlled government on the nation. When the Republicans left town, they handed the tab for clean-up to taxpayers and then obstructed every effort to repair the economy that they broke. What s more, they now favor cuts to government programs for the poor, government shutdowns, and threats of credit default. The financial crisis of 2007 was no accident; it flowed from GOP policies that were intended to benefit the 1 percent as well as themselves. Republicans succeeded beyond their wildest dreams, and today the wealthiest among us pocket virtually all the gains associated with the rebuilding of our economy. Meanwhile, the middle-class suffers home foreclosures, job losses, and reductions in real income.

Fools and Knaves makes it clear that while appealing largely to social conservatives and older, white, blue-collar voters, Republicans make promises to the middle class but actually deliver results only to the wealthy. Everyone else especially those who are younger, better educated, female, and from minority households is now getting the message: Republicans have nothing to offer them."

Demonstrations by far-right groups, such as the English Defence League, Britain First and PEGIDA, have caused considerable social and civic unrest in UK cities for nearly a decade. But how should policymakers respond to far-right and anti-Muslim activism? Drawing on extensive primary research with stakeholders, local authorities and policymakers, this book investigates the political, socio-economic and historic trends that fuel this form of political extremism across the UK. It also maps the different types of policy responses available to local politicians, police forces and behind-the-scenes policy officials involved in the day-to-day management of anti-Islamic street protest. The author demonstrates that it is only through developing successful countermeasures in the realm of politics, security and community-based politics that politicians, police and state actors will truly get to grips with this new far-right activism.

This book presents a study of the rise of American neoliberalism in the aftermath of the modern Civil Rights movement, paying particular attention to the traumatic impact of the neoliberal age on countless African Americans. Author Cedric C. Johnson takes a close look at the manner in which American neoliberalism has been able to preserve, articulate, and exploit constructions of race-based difference. The neoliberal age has engendered an extraordinary growth in economic disparities and social inequalities, with traumatic repercussions for innumerable African Americans. Historically, black religious forms have functioned as contested spaces, capable of organizing alternative modes of cultural, economic, and political life. This project examines forms of black religiosity that function as modes of soul care in this context. Johnson posits an innovative, multi-systems approach that informs practices of care for populations traumatized or threatened by the neoliberal age.

What is American conservative thought and what are the unique qualities that distinguish it from other schools of thought? This volume, by providing a comprehensive definition, overcomes a major stumbling block to the understanding and evaluation of this significant intellectual movement. Although during the post-war period there has been a renaissance of self-styled conservative writing and thought, and a number of scholarly works have focused on conservatism offering valuable information on both the history and development of the movement, author Melvin Thorne maintains that none has successfully defined or distinguished contemporary American conservatism from the ideas of thinkers of other persuasions. Without a definition of the fundamentals of American conservative thought, conservative positions on authority, freedom, government, community, and tradition will continue to resist interpretation and basic theoretical and practical questions must remain unanswered. Thorne's study constructs a conceptual framework for understanding the fundamental nature and scope of conservativism. Chapter 1 criticizes previous definitions that focus on a single idea as a starting point, or that propound lists of common elements, or that reason from sociopsychological or historical perspectives. Rejecting these definitions, Thorne posits the two fundamental ideas which in tandem form the core of contemporary American conservative thought: a certain view of human nature, the subject of Chapter 2, and a certain conception of an objective moral order, discussed in Chapter 3. The influence of the core ideas on the rest of conservative thought is examined in the remaining five chapters, which consider authority, freedom, government and economy, community, and change and tradition. This intellectually rigorous yet highly readable work will be of great importance to scholars, students, and the informed generalist as it provides the most comprehensive view of conservativism to date.

This book is based on original research into intimidation and violence directed at civilians by combatants during the revolutionary period in Ireland, considering this from the perspectives of the British, the Free State and the IRA. The book combines qualitative and quantitative approaches, and focusses on County Kerry, which saw high levels of violence. It demonstrates that violence and intimidation against civilians was more common than clashes between combatants and that the upsurge in violence in 1920 was a result of the deployment of the Black and Tans and Auxiliaries, particularly in the autumn and winter of that year. Despite the limited threat posed by the IRA, the British forces engaged in unprecedented and unprovoked violence against civilians. This study stresses the increasing brutality of the subsequent violence by both sides. The book shows how the British had similar methods and views as contemporary counter-revolutionary groups in Europe. IRA violence, however, was, in part, an attempt to impose homogeneity as, beneath the Irish republican narrative of popular approval, there lay a recognition that universal backing was never in fact present. The book is important reading for students and scholars of the Irish revolution, the social history of Ireland and inter-war European violence.

This book argues that the American conservative movement, as it now exists, does not have deep roots. It began in the 1950s as the invention of journalists and men of letters reacting to the early Cold War and trying to construct a rallying point for likeminded opponents of international Communism. The resulting movement has exaggerated the permanence of its values; while its militant anti-Communism, instilled in its followers, and periodic suppression of dissent have weakened its capacity for internal debate. Their movement came to power at least partly by burying an older anti-welfare state Right, one that in fact had enjoyed a social following that was concentrated in a small-town America. The newcomers played down the merits of those they had replaced; and in the 1980's the neoconservatives, who took over the postwar conservative movement from an earlier generation, belittled their predecessors in a similar way. Among the movement's major accomplishments has been to recreate its own past. The success of this revised history lies in the fact that even the movement's critics are now inclined to accept it.

It has been all too tempting to characterize the Tea Party as an irrational, racist, astro-turf movement composed of members who are working to subvert their own economic interests. Race, Gender, and Class in the Tea Party reveals a much messier and much more fascinating analysis of this movement. Drawing upon in-depth interviews with organizers and fieldwork at conservative campaign trainings and conventions, its rich ethnographic data explores how the active folks in this movement, specifically organizers in one Midwestern state, understand their world, and how they act on that basis to change it. As this book will reveal, most Tea Party organizers do depend on deeply flawed understandings of race and class-either believing wholeheartedly in myths, or confining their analyses to the narrow limits of the conservative media system. Yet, Tea Party racism is simply American racism. Race, Gender, and Class in the Tea Party reveals the complexities and contradictions inherent in this movement, where organizers attempt to reconcile their personal experiences with their conservative politics. In the end, these dynamics reveal as much about us as it does about the Tea Party. It is certain to challenge all of our politics, and especially our scholarly thinking, about the movement, and offers a path toward real conversations about our collective future in the United States.

Fills a serious gap in German historical literature by providing the first political biography of Jung, a leading figure of the anti-Nazi Right. By the time of his death, Edgar Julius Jung (1894-1934) was well known in Germany and Europe as one of the foremost ideologues of the political movement that called itself the Conservative Revolution and as a right-wing opponent of the Nazis. He was speechwriter for and confidant of Franz von Papen (first Hitler's predecessor as chancellor, then Hitler's vice-chancellor), which put him at the center of political events right up until the Nazi seizure of power. Considered by Baldur von Schirach and Goebbels to be one of the worst enemies of the Nazis, Jung was assassinated by the Nazi regime in June 1934. The eleven years of Nazi rule that followed contributed to Jung's neglect by historians, as did distaste, since the war's end and the founding of the Federal Republic on democratic principles, for his strongly antidemocratic stance. Although there have been several studies on Jung's political thought,there has been until now no biography in German or English. Roshan Magub's book therefore fills a serious gap in German historical literature. It shows that Jung's opposition to National Socialism dates from the earliest days andthat he had a very close relationship with the Ruhr industry, which supported him financially and enabled him to reach a nationwide audience. Magub uses, for the first time, all the available material from the archives in Munich,Koblenz, Cologne, and Berlin, and the whole of Jung's Nachlass. Her book sheds new light on Jung and demonstrates his importance in Germany's political history. Roshan Magub holds a PhD from Birkbeck College, University of London.

Progressive politics has long been in crisis in the United States. As the radical Left realizes the dire consequences of defining themselves solely by what they are against, this collection challenges leading engaged academics and activists to show how radical politics can lead to a more fruitful democracy. Dealing with pressing issues of the day such as health care, race, immigration, religion, foreign policy, unions, feminism, liberalism, education, and the media, this edited volume looks at the prospects for a progressive turn in U.S. politics. In doing so, it hopes to inspire the radical imagination by showing where we can go from here. As technology continues to enable greater access to ideas around the world, the power of intellectuals is greater than ever. And given that the world is full of crushing poverty, sexism, uneven development, environmental degeneration, religious fanaticism, racism, and imperialism, the need for intellectuals to inspire the radical imagination by championing principles of economic and social justice, democracy, and universality is also greater than ever. However, political visions are required to guide that struggle. This is the aim of this book.

‘A witty, lucid investigation into one of the great political mysteries of our time: the enduring love felt by the British people for the party which regularly manages to persuade them, against all the evidence, that it has their best interests at heart’ JONATHAN COE, author of Bournville _________________________________________________________________________________ The story of the most successful political party in the world, and a nation made in its image.   Since 2010, the Conservative Party has presided over countless corruption scandals, blundered its way through a pandemic and trapped Britain in a cycle of permanent dysfunction. This has coincided with four election wins in a row, each one with a larger share of the vote than the last. How? The strange dissonance between the Conservatives’ destructive record in government and their record of victory – which has seen them suffer only seven major defeats in the last 150 years – is one of the defining riddles of British politics. Tory Nation sets out to solve this puzzle. With dazzling clarity and insight, Samuel Earle explores the roots of the current crisis and the real reasons for the Conservatives’ success, from their ruling class origins in the eighteenth century and their disproportionate influence on the British press to their stranglehold over national identity. He also sheds light on the Conservatives’ historic appeal among the working classes and why the Labour Party so often disappoints.   Tory Nation describes the making of Britain through one party’s astonishing staying power. It’s only by reaching into our history, Earle argues, that we can understand how we got here – and how we can find a way out _________________________________________________________________________________ 'Finally, someone has explained why the British electorate behaves like Turkeys voting for Christmas. Sam Earle has set out clearly and eloquently why our democracy is incapable of solving our political problems' ROBERT VERKAIK, author of Posh Boys ‘Eviscerating. Less a political book and more a mystery novel . . . untangles the riddle of the strange cognitive dissonance between the Tories’ bumbling, destructive political record and their inexplicable electoral success’i-D  

In his #1 bestsellers "Liberty and Tyranny" and "Ameritopia," Mark R. Levin has all but predicted the current assault on our individual liberties, state sovereignty, and the social compact--the inevitable result of an all-powerful, ubiquitous central government. Fortunately, such dire circumstances were anticipated by the Founding Fathers, who gave us the means to amend the Constitution in order to preserve our rights and pre-vent governmental behemoths. Here, Levin turns to the Constitution and its Framers to lay forth eleven specific prescriptions, thoughtfully con-structed within the Framers' design, for restoring the American Republic. His proposals are pure common sense, ideas shared by many--such as term limits for members of Congress and Supreme Court justices and lim-its on federal taxing and spending--that draw on the wisdom of James Madison, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, and others. With "The Liberty Amendments," the American people can take the first step toward reclaiming what belongs to them.

Glenn Beck, the New York Times bestselling author of The Great Reset--issues a startling challenge to people on both sides of the aisle: America is addicted to outrage, we're at the height of a twenty-year bender, and we need an intervention. In the instant New York Times bestseller, Glenn Beck addresses how America has become more and more divided--both politically and socially. Americans are now less accepting, less forgiving, and have lost faith in many of the country's signature ideals. They are quick to point a judgmental finger at the opposing party, are unwilling to doubt their own ideologies, and refuse to have any self-awareness whatsoever. Beck states that this current downward spiral will ultimately lead to the destruction of everything America has fought so hard to preserve. This is not simply a Republican problem. This is not simply a Democratic problem. This is everyone's burden, and we need to think like recovering addicts and change. Mirroring traditional twelve-step programs, Beck outlines the actions that Americans must follow in order to prevent a farther decline down this current path of hostile bitterness. Drawing from his own life experiences and including relevant examples for each step, he is able to lead us to a more hopeful, happy future. From learning how to believe in something greater than ourselves to understanding the importance of humility, each chapter encourages self-reflection and growth. Addicted to Outrage is a timely and necessary guide for how Americans--right and left--must change to survive.

For Hayek, spontaneous order - the emergence of complex order as the unintended consequence of individual actions that have no such end in view - is both the origin of the Great Society and its underlying principle. These sometimes critical essays assess Hayek's position and argue that his work can inform contemporary social and political dilemmas.