When the federal government starts to provide the American citizens with facts about what they are doing instead of making decisions that they believe are best for the common folk. The pathetic part is that the President and Congress for the most part do not listen to what the American citizen is telling them. When we make every member accountable we will be starting the process of ""Taking Back America"." The citizens of the United States need to express our opinions to the representatives of our local districts and make sure that they understand we will not be voting for them in 2012 if they do not start acting in the best interest of the people. Could it be that the reason that the main stream media is always backing the Democrats and the unions is because they are union shops. That is correct. The main stream media are union shops and therefore are usually biased in their reporting in favor of the Democrats and the unions. This sure explains some of their very biased articles.

This volume presents a broad survey of the Republikaner Party, its program and ideology, its organization, and the composition of its voters and sympathizers. The authors maintain that any analysis of the Republikaners must distinguish between the party as represented by its platform and party officials, and the party as seen by its voters. Republikaners draw potential voters from two very differently motivated groups: (1) a small, ideologically oriented segment dominated by right-wing conservative and right-fringe extremist attitudes, and (2) a larger, flucating pool of sympathizers less committed to the REP and primarily concerned with economic and social issues. Until recently, the Republikaners were mainly able to exploit narrowly focused, pent-up resentments. The "foreigner problem" is at the center of Republikaners' propaganda and serves as a catalyst that adroitly combines numerous related social problems such as housing shortage, unemployment, and the widespread fear of being shunted aside by "interlopers." Although the Republikaners still lack the social foundation and ideological consensus necessary to build a stable core constituency, the organization serves as a vehicle for diverse protest. The authors warn that the Republikaners potentially comprise a base for organizing a party on the far right of the German political spectrum.

Conservatism and Pragmatism illustrates the intersections between classical British Conservative thought and classical American Pragmatist philosophy with regard to methodology in politics, ethics, and law.

The prevailing sentiment of contemporary intellectuals is that the human condition has never been better. History is regarded as lengthy episode of oppression that human beings have gradually but steadily fought to overcome with considerable success. Evidence of these successes that are commonly offered include increased material consumption, better health and longer life expectancy, technological development and, above all, the ongoing triumph of "democracy" and "human rights."

However, the nineteenth and twentieth century produced an array of dissident thinkers that expressed a great skepticism of modern civilization. Their individual critiques were often vastly different from one another. Yet the common idea that emerges from work of these genuine intellectual mavericks is one that laments the loss of traditional societies, and pessimism about the new world that modernity has brought. Instead, the modern project has been regarded by thinkers as different as Nietzsche, G.K. Chesterton and Alain De Benoist to have been a cultural and spiritual degeneration that diminished rather than elevated the nobility of man.

This work by Keith Preston examines the ideas of these thinkers, and considers the potential relevance of their insights in the postmodern age.

Through an analysis of the discourse practices of populist Far Right groups in France, Italy and Belgian Flanders, this book makes a ground-breaking contribution to our understanding of the ways in which homophobic discourse functions. It proposes an innovative heuristic for the conceiving of the interplay of language, context and culture: discourse ecology. The author brings linguistic theories, methods and ways of understanding and thinking about language to a study of the overt and covert homophobic discourses of three non-Anglophone populist movements, and grounds the interpretation of such practices in observable data. In doing so the book encourages us all to reconsider the power we give language in our activism and scholarship, as well as in our private lives.

Through an analysis of the discourse practices of populist Far Right groups in France, Italy and Belgian Flanders, this book makes a ground-breaking contribution to our understanding of the ways in which homophobic discourse functions. It proposes an innovative heuristic for the conceiving of the interplay of language, context and culture: discourse ecology. The author brings linguistic theories, methods and ways of understanding and thinking about language to a study of the overt and covert homophobic discourses of three non-Anglophone populist movements, and grounds the interpretation of such practices in observable data. In doing so the book encourages us all to reconsider the power we give language in our activism and scholarship, as well as in our private lives.

Twenty-five years ago, when Pat Robertson and other radio and televangelists first spoke of the United States becoming a Christian nation that would build a global Christian empire, it was hard to take such hyperbolic rhetoric seriously. Today, such language no longer sounds like hyperbole but poses, instead, a very real threat to our freedom and our way of life. In "American Fascists, " Chris Hedges, veteran journalist and author of the National Book Award finalist "War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning, " challenges the Christian Right's religious legitimacy and argues that at its core it is a mass movement fueled by unbridled nationalism and a hatred for the open society.

Hedges, who grew up in rural parishes in upstate New York where his father was a Presbyterian pastor, attacks the movement as someone steeped in the Bible and Christian tradition. He points to the hundreds of senators and members of Congress who have earned between 80 and 100 percent approval ratings from the three most influential Christian Right advocacy groups as one of many signs that the movement is burrowing deep inside the American government to subvert it. The movement's call to dismantle the wall between church and state and the intolerance it preaches against all who do not conform to its warped vision of a Christian America are pumped into tens of millions of American homes through Christian television and radio stations, as well as reinforced through the curriculum in Christian schools. The movement's yearning for apocalyptic violence and its assault on dispassionate, intellectual inquiry are laying the foundation for a new, frightening America.

"American Fascists, " which includes interviews and coverage of events such as pro-life rallies and weeklong classes on conversion techniques, examines the movement's origins, its driving motivations and its dark ideological underpinnings. Hedges argues that the movement currently resembles the young fascist movements in Italy and Germany in the 1920s and '30s, movements that often masked the full extent of their drive for totalitarianism and were willing to make concessions until they achieved unrivaled power. The Christian Right, like these early fascist movements, does not openly call for dictatorship, nor does it use

physical violence to suppress opposition. In short, the movement is not yet revolutionary. But the ideological architecture of a Christian fascism is being cemented in place. The movement has roused its followers to a fever pitch of despair and fury. All it will take, Hedges writes, is one more national crisis on the order of September 11 for the Christian Right to make a concerted drive to destroy American democracy. The movement awaits a crisis. At that moment they will reveal themselves for what they truly are -- the American heirs to fascism. Hedges issues a potent, impassioned warning. We face an imminent threat. His book reminds us of the dangers liberal, democratic societies face when they tolerate the intolerant.

"Smart and thoughtful . . . Perceptive"
"--The Women's Review of Books"

"One does not associate scholars with perfect timing, news-wise, but Angela D. Dillard's Guess Who's Coming to Dinner Now? could not be more of the moment."
--"New York Times Book Review"

"An excellent overview of this new movement."
--"The New Republic"

"If you, like many, marveled that George W. Bush not only did but could put together a cabinet and staff that was racially diverse as well as fiscally and morally conservative, here's a book you'll want to read."
--"Ms." magazine

In Guess Who's Coming to Dinner Now? Angela Dillard offers the first comparative analysis of a conservatism which today cuts across the boundaries of race, ethnicity, gender, and sexuality.

To be an African-American and a conservative, or a Latino who is also a conservative and a homosexual, is to occupy an awkward and contested political position. Dillard explores the philosophies, politics, and motivation of minority conservatives such as Ward Connerly, Glenn Loury, Linda Chavez, Clarence Thomas, and Bruce Bawer, as well as their tepid reception by both the Left and Right. Welcomed cautiously by the conservative movement, they have also frequently been excoriated by those African Americans, Latinos, women, and homosexuals who view their conservatism as betrayal.

Dillard's comprehensive study, among the first to take the history and political implications of multicultural conservatism seriously, is a vital source for understanding contemporary American conservatism in all its forms.

The United States is under assault by the progressive attitudes and actions of the liberal Left. At this critical time in our history, it is imperative that conservatives stand united against this assault. The majority of Americans are not progressive liberals, so why should we have to live with progressive liberal policies? Charles Gross thinks it's time to fi ght for individual liberties and America's future. He makes a case for the following:

Liberals consistently say one thing and do another. Liberal politicians blatantly promote racism and divisiveness. Progressive liberal concepts enable the Islamic agenda of global domination. Many moderate Americans support liberal candidates, voting against their own best interests. Republican politicians contribute to the problem by failing to act with integrity and according to the Constitution.

Gross proposes achievable solutions to restore traditional American values. By reducing the size of the federal government, reforming taxation, maintaining a strong national defense, and applying the tenets of the United States Constitution along with common sense, it is possible to save America from progressive liberalism.

Attention all patriotic Americans Read the one book that has liberal America outraged. Jason Johnson is rapidly becoming the new warrior for the Right His controversial, new book Wake up America is one of the most talked about books in the nation. This book will literally blow you away America ever written about the hypocrisy of the American Left. You wanted the truth America. Well now yon got it If you're an anti-Bush, America-hater you better look out because this U.S. Army vet is coming for you and he doesn't look happy. V. these days? Are you tired of overpaid, spoiled, Hollywood celebrities telling your kids to hate their President and their country? Are you concerned about the illiteracy rate in America? all about the latest rap star or shallow, Bush-hating actor. thinking it, Johnson says it This book is hot Get it today

City of the Right examines the writings of some of today's most influential conservative thinkers. Irving Kristol, William F. Buckley, Edward C. Banfield, Milton Friedman, and novelist Ayn Rand receive extended consideration. Topics discussed range from authority, law and order, and traditional value systems to social welfare programs and the plight of the poor.

This book aims to provide an important insight into the essence of Putinism and the political system he has established in Russia over the past decade. Van Herpen compares in detail the many and often surprising parallels that exist between Vladimir Putin's regime in Russia and that of Weimar Germany and Mussolini's Italy indicating the presence of strong Fascist elements in the contemporary Russian Political system. However, this is tempered with elements of Bonapartism from Napoleon III's France and the populism of Italian politics under Berlusconi creating a hybrid system which has been termed 'Fascism-Lite' with a softer face than Mussolinian Fascism but still containing a hard core of ultra-nationalism, militarism and neo-imperialism. The author not only looks at Putin's regime in retrospect but also offers an insight into the future of the Russian political system as Russia's strong man begins his third term in office.

"Conservative Intellectuals and Richard Nixon" explores the relationship between postwar conservatives and the president from 1968 to 1974. Seemingly casting those years out of their history, conservatives have never fully explored how Richard Nixon affected their movement. They fail to realize the extent his presidency helped refocus their fight against liberalism and communism.""Mergel uses the Nixon years as a window into the Right's effort to turn ideology into successful politics. It""combines an assessment of Nixon's presidency through the eyes of conservative intellectuals with an attempt to understand what the Right gained from its experience with Nixon.

Jeb Bush: Aggressive Conservatism in Florida describes the rise of John Ellis (Jeb) Bush, the second son of former President George H.W. Bush, to political power in Florida. It examines the conservative theory that guided his behavior when he was elected and the aggressive manner in which he used the Office of Governor to pursue his goals. The book offers insight into his motivations and competencies, provides an analysis of the extent to which his self proclaimed "revolution" achieved its goals, and asks what the revolution meant for Florida. The author's own views naturally structure the analysis provided, but readers are invited to examine his argument and to propose alternative explanations for the Governor's actions and the policy outcomes of his administration.

Challenging the libertarians' definition of "freedom" and "democracy," this study portrays the social philosophy of Milton Friedman, James Buchanan, Friedrich Hayek, and George Stigler as the bulwark of an attack on welfare and regulatory state collectivism and as undermining majoritarian democracy, political and civil liberties, and social equality. The book opens with Frank Knight's doctrines and their impact on the Chicago laissez faire economists, places libertarianism within the American tradition of empirical collectivism, and explores Friedrich Hayek's road-to-serfdom thesis within the context of the New Deal. Posing problems of corporate power, it uses Friedman, Stigler, and Buchanan as examples of libertarian denial of these problems and, in a consideration of the debate between the New Left and Libertarian Right, contrasts their ideologies.

The work concludes with a historical summing up that juxtaposes the recent past to the present, links libertarian material interests with the growth of corporate hegemony, and portrays the right wing of neoclassical economics as an intellectual bulwark of business culture. The emergent plutocracy that we now live in, including the erosion of democratic theory and practice, owes a significant part of its doctrinal and political sustenance to the influence of the free market economists who are the subject of this book. The study is the first to use the unpublished papers of libertarians James Buchanan, Gordon Tullock, Milton Friedman, and George Stigler to bring their interpretations of the meaning of "freedom" and "democracy" into question.

There's a war against truth... and if we don't win it, intellectual freedom will be a casualty.

The West’s commitment to freedom, reason, and true liberalism has never been more seriously threatened than it is today by the stifling forces of political correctness.

Dr. Gad Saad, the host of the enormously popular YouTube show THE SAAD TRUTH, exposes the bad ideas—what he calls “idea pathogens”—that are killing common sense and rational debate. Incubated in our universities and spread through the tyranny of political correctness, these ideas are endangering our most basic freedoms—including freedom of thought and speech.

The danger is grave, but as Dr. Saad shows, politically correct dogma is riddled with logical fallacies. We have powerful weapons to fight back with—if we have the courage to use them.

A provocative guide to defending reason and intellectual freedom and a battle cry for the preservation of our fundamental rights, The Parasitic Mind will be the most controversial and talked-about book of the year.

The first in-depth ethnographic monograph on the New Right in Central and Eastern Europe, The Revolt of the Provinces explores the making of right-wing hegemony in Hungary over the last decade. It explains the spread of racist sensibilities in depressed rural areas, shows how activists, intellectuals and politicians took advantage of popular racism to empower right-wing agendas and examines the new ruling party's success in stabilizing an 'illiberal regime'. To illuminate these important dynamics, the author proposes an innovative multi-scalar and relational framework, focusing on interaction between social antagonisms emerging on the local level and struggles waged within the political public sphere.

Since 1950, the South has undergone the most dramatic political transformation of any region in the United States. The once Solid-meaning Democratic-South is now overwhelmingly Republican, and long-disenfranchised African Americans vote at levels comparable to those of whites. In The Rational Southerner, M.V. Hood III, Quentin Kidd, and Irwin L. Morris argue that local strategic dynamics played a decisive and underappreciated role in both the development of the Southern Republican Party and the mobilization of the region's black electorate. Mobilized blacks who supported the Democratic Party made it increasingly difficult for conservative whites to maintain control of the Party's machinery. Also, as local Republican Party organizations became politically viable, the strategic opportunities that such a change provided made the GOP an increasingly attractive alternative for white conservatives. Blacks also found new opportunities within the Democratic Party as whites fled to the GOP, especially in the deep South, where large black populations had the potential to dominate state and local Democratic Parties. As a result, Republican Party viability also led to black mobilization.
Using the theory of relative advantage, Hood, Kidd, and Morris provide a new perspective on party system transformation. Following a theoretically-informed description of recent partisan dynamics in the South, they demonstrate, with decades of state-level, sub-state, and individual-level data, that GOP organizational strength and black electoral mobilization were the primary determinants of political change in the region. The authors' finding that race was, and still is, the primary driver behind political change in the region stands in stark contrast to recent scholarship which points to in-migration, economic growth, or religious factors as the locus of transition. The Rational Southerner contributes not only to the study of Southern politics, but to our understanding of party system change, racial politics, and the role that state and local political dynamics play in the larger context of national politics and policymaking.

This volume offers a new perspective on American conservatism in the 1960s and the way in which the changes of the decade shaped the development of American politics for the next half-century. Historians have increasingly begun to view the sixties as a decade of conservatism, and a spate of landmark books in the field have traced the careers of Barry Goldwater, Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, and George Wallace. Much, however, is still unknown about the growth of the conservative movement during this decade. In their effort to chronicle the national politicians and organizations that led the movement, previous histories of conservatism neglected to examine lesser-known developments--local perspectives, the role of religion, transnational dimensions--that help to give clues to conservatism's enduring influence in American politics. The contributions here provide a synthesis of cutting-edge scholarship that addresses those overlooked developments and offers new insights into the way that the 1960s shaped the trajectory and contributed to the political power of postwar conservatism.

Twenty-Five Years of GOP Presidential Nominations examines the recent presidential nominees of the Republican Party. The author explores the idea that the presidential defeats of Republican nominees begin with the primary election choice of a moderate candidate in hopes that the chosen candidate's conservative rhetoric will translate into a general election victory. Written in a unique and dynamic style, this book details the recent history of the party's successes and failures through notable figures such as George H.W. Bush and Bob Dole.