Viereck examines the ethics and political philosophy of the New Conservatism and explains why this movement has, in part deservedly, failed.

This encyclopedia covers American right-wing extremist groups and extremism from the 1930s to the present day, including neo-Nazis, the Ku Klux Klan, and various anti-government organizations. Right-wing extremism in America has had an established presence from the 1930s through the present day. The election of America's first African-American president and the resuscitation of "big government" policymaking have stimulated a reaction from, and a reemergence of, right-wing extremists, Neo-Nazis, racist skinheads, and white supremacists. Unfortunately, it seems Americans are still living in an age of extremism. The Encyclopedia of Right-Wing Extremism in Modern American History provides useful, authoritative information about these groups and their histories, covering conservative extremism from the 1930s onward, such as white supremacist groups and neo-Nazis, Christian Identity and other right-wing religious movements, and anti-American government extremists. An introductory overview, insightful conclusion chapter, and useful, up-to-date bibliography are also included. Chronological presentation of the specific groups and organizations provides historical insight into the development of right-wing extremism Provides an up-to-date bibliography for further reading Thorough cross-referencing of sources

The narrative of Spiro Agnew's rise and fall has never been fully told. This compelling book tells the story of one of the most controversial, high-level politicians of recent American history and explains the importance of Agnew's life and career. Too often overlooked by students of modern conservatism, Spiro T. Agnew's political career mirrored the transformation of the Republicans from a "big tent" party to a narrower, more conservative, and ideologically purer one in the 1960s and 1970s. Spiro Agnew and the Rise of the Republican Right traces Agnew's life and career and shows how Agnew was a key figure in American politics-and documents how a powerful politician who looked to be headed to the presidency ended up having to resign from the office of the vice president in shame and fade into the shadows of political history. This political biography examines how Spiro Agnew's ideological transformation from a moderate liberal to a conservative spearheaded the rise of the Republican Right. Author Justin P. Coffey, PhD, explores the political, social, and racial aspects of Agnew's career and how he both influenced and was himself shaped by each of these parameters. This book offers an unprecedented study of Agnew's legacy in the present-day context, providing information suited for any reader interested in history or politics and filling a void in the scholarship of the rise of the conservative movement. Provides a comprehensive scholarly biography of Spiro Agnew, an important 20th-century politician who helped shape the direction of the Republican Party Presents historical information that documents how the conservatives took control of the Republican Party and caused a key shift in the party's ideology Helps explain the origins of the ideological divisions of American politics, allowing readers to better understand the current state of the two main political parties Written by the foremost expert on Agnew and an academic who specializes in recent American history

This volume presents a broad survey of the Republikaner Party, its program and ideology, its organization, and the composition of its voters and sympathizers. The authors maintain that any analysis of the Republikaners must distinguish between the party as represented by its platform and party officials, and the party as seen by its voters. Republikaners draw potential voters from two very differently motivated groups: (1) a small, ideologically oriented segment dominated by right-wing conservative and right-fringe extremist attitudes, and (2) a larger, flucating pool of sympathizers less committed to the REP and primarily concerned with economic and social issues. Until recently, the Republikaners were mainly able to exploit narrowly focused, pent-up resentments. The "foreigner problem" is at the center of Republikaners' propaganda and serves as a catalyst that adroitly combines numerous related social problems such as housing shortage, unemployment, and the widespread fear of being shunted aside by "interlopers." Although the Republikaners still lack the social foundation and ideological consensus necessary to build a stable core constituency, the organization serves as a vehicle for diverse protest. The authors warn that the Republikaners potentially comprise a base for organizing a party on the far right of the German political spectrum.

When the federal government starts to provide the American citizens with facts about what they are doing instead of making decisions that they believe are best for the common folk. The pathetic part is that the President and Congress for the most part do not listen to what the American citizen is telling them. When we make every member accountable we will be starting the process of ""Taking Back America"." The citizens of the United States need to express our opinions to the representatives of our local districts and make sure that they understand we will not be voting for them in 2012 if they do not start acting in the best interest of the people. Could it be that the reason that the main stream media is always backing the Democrats and the unions is because they are union shops. That is correct. The main stream media are union shops and therefore are usually biased in their reporting in favor of the Democrats and the unions. This sure explains some of their very biased articles.

This book addresses how the Conservative Party has re-focused its interest in social policy. Analysing to what extent the Conservatives have changed within this particular policy sphere, the book explores various theoretical, social, political, and electoral dimensions of the subject matter.

Conservatism and Pragmatism illustrates the intersections between classical British Conservative thought and classical American Pragmatist philosophy with regard to methodology in politics, ethics, and law.

The prevailing sentiment of contemporary intellectuals is that the human condition has never been better. History is regarded as lengthy episode of oppression that human beings have gradually but steadily fought to overcome with considerable success. Evidence of these successes that are commonly offered include increased material consumption, better health and longer life expectancy, technological development and, above all, the ongoing triumph of "democracy" and "human rights."

However, the nineteenth and twentieth century produced an array of dissident thinkers that expressed a great skepticism of modern civilization. Their individual critiques were often vastly different from one another. Yet the common idea that emerges from work of these genuine intellectual mavericks is one that laments the loss of traditional societies, and pessimism about the new world that modernity has brought. Instead, the modern project has been regarded by thinkers as different as Nietzsche, G.K. Chesterton and Alain De Benoist to have been a cultural and spiritual degeneration that diminished rather than elevated the nobility of man.

This work by Keith Preston examines the ideas of these thinkers, and considers the potential relevance of their insights in the postmodern age.

City of the Right examines the writings of some of today's most influential conservative thinkers. Irving Kristol, William F. Buckley, Edward C. Banfield, Milton Friedman, and novelist Ayn Rand receive extended consideration. Topics discussed range from authority, law and order, and traditional value systems to social welfare programs and the plight of the poor.

By the authors of RESURGENT: HOW CONSTITUTIONAL CONSERVATISM CAN SAVE AMERICA, Barack Obama's shocking plan to take over the government,
the elections, the economy, the American consciousness,
and even our personal freedoms From noted conservative leader Ken Blackwell and Washington, D.C.-based constitutional attorney and journalist Ken Klukowski comes an urgently needed book about President Barack Obama's blueprint to centralize power in the White House, subvert the Constitution, and transform the United States of America into a militant, secular welfare state dominated by an overbearing central government. The authors identify and discuss more than twenty tactics being taken by the Obama administration to restructure the country and ensure perpetual liberal rule--such as changing voting laws, politicizing the census, coercing corporations into adopting its policies, planning to destroy talk radio, and seeking to make millions of illegal aliens into voting citizens. By means both sharp and subtle, President Obama aims to change Americans' views about government, liberty, and even God. * - Czars: The authors show how Obama is installing a shadow government of radical appointees not subject to Senate confirmation and answerable to no one but him. - Courts: The authors have insider knowledge of how Obama will pack the Supreme Court and lower courts with activist judges who will overstep their constitutional authority. - When Lawmaking becomes Lawbreaking: The authors reveal the ways Obama is consolidating lawmaking power in the White House, in direct violation of our nation's separation of powers. - Changing the American Identity: The authors show how Obama is using unconstitutional tactics to change how we conduct commerce, how we vote, our right to bear arms, and the free-speech rights of opposition voices.

Attention all patriotic Americans Read the one book that has liberal America outraged. Jason Johnson is rapidly becoming the new warrior for the Right His controversial, new book Wake up America is one of the most talked about books in the nation. This book will literally blow you away America ever written about the hypocrisy of the American Left. You wanted the truth America. Well now yon got it If you're an anti-Bush, America-hater you better look out because this U.S. Army vet is coming for you and he doesn't look happy. V. these days? Are you tired of overpaid, spoiled, Hollywood celebrities telling your kids to hate their President and their country? Are you concerned about the illiteracy rate in America? all about the latest rap star or shallow, Bush-hating actor. thinking it, Johnson says it This book is hot Get it today

The United States is under assault by the progressive attitudes and actions of the liberal Left. At this critical time in our history, it is imperative that conservatives stand united against this assault. The majority of Americans are not progressive liberals, so why should we have to live with progressive liberal policies? Charles Gross thinks it's time to fi ght for individual liberties and America's future. He makes a case for the following:

Liberals consistently say one thing and do another. Liberal politicians blatantly promote racism and divisiveness. Progressive liberal concepts enable the Islamic agenda of global domination. Many moderate Americans support liberal candidates, voting against their own best interests. Republican politicians contribute to the problem by failing to act with integrity and according to the Constitution.

Gross proposes achievable solutions to restore traditional American values. By reducing the size of the federal government, reforming taxation, maintaining a strong national defense, and applying the tenets of the United States Constitution along with common sense, it is possible to save America from progressive liberalism.

Challenging the libertarians' definition of "freedom" and "democracy," this study portrays the social philosophy of Milton Friedman, James Buchanan, Friedrich Hayek, and George Stigler as the bulwark of an attack on welfare and regulatory state collectivism and as undermining majoritarian democracy, political and civil liberties, and social equality. The book opens with Frank Knight's doctrines and their impact on the Chicago laissez faire economists, places libertarianism within the American tradition of empirical collectivism, and explores Friedrich Hayek's road-to-serfdom thesis within the context of the New Deal. Posing problems of corporate power, it uses Friedman, Stigler, and Buchanan as examples of libertarian denial of these problems and, in a consideration of the debate between the New Left and Libertarian Right, contrasts their ideologies.

The work concludes with a historical summing up that juxtaposes the recent past to the present, links libertarian material interests with the growth of corporate hegemony, and portrays the right wing of neoclassical economics as an intellectual bulwark of business culture. The emergent plutocracy that we now live in, including the erosion of democratic theory and practice, owes a significant part of its doctrinal and political sustenance to the influence of the free market economists who are the subject of this book. The study is the first to use the unpublished papers of libertarians James Buchanan, Gordon Tullock, Milton Friedman, and George Stigler to bring their interpretations of the meaning of "freedom" and "democracy" into question.

"Conservative Intellectuals and Richard Nixon" explores the relationship between postwar conservatives and the president from 1968 to 1974. Seemingly casting those years out of their history, conservatives have never fully explored how Richard Nixon affected their movement. They fail to realize the extent his presidency helped refocus their fight against liberalism and communism.""Mergel uses the Nixon years as a window into the Right's effort to turn ideology into successful politics. It""combines an assessment of Nixon's presidency through the eyes of conservative intellectuals with an attempt to understand what the Right gained from its experience with Nixon.

This book aims to provide an important insight into the essence of Putinism and the political system he has established in Russia over the past decade. Van Herpen compares in detail the many and often surprising parallels that exist between Vladimir Putin's regime in Russia and that of Weimar Germany and Mussolini's Italy indicating the presence of strong Fascist elements in the contemporary Russian Political system. However, this is tempered with elements of Bonapartism from Napoleon III's France and the populism of Italian politics under Berlusconi creating a hybrid system which has been termed 'Fascism-Lite' with a softer face than Mussolinian Fascism but still containing a hard core of ultra-nationalism, militarism and neo-imperialism. The author not only looks at Putin's regime in retrospect but also offers an insight into the future of the Russian political system as Russia's strong man begins his third term in office.

Through an analysis of the discourse practices of populist Far Right groups in France, Italy and Belgian Flanders, this book makes a ground-breaking contribution to our understanding of the ways in which homophobic discourse functions. It proposes an innovative heuristic for the conceiving of the interplay of language, context and culture: discourse ecology. The author brings linguistic theories, methods and ways of understanding and thinking about language to a study of the overt and covert homophobic discourses of three non-Anglophone populist movements, and grounds the interpretation of such practices in observable data. In doing so the book encourages us all to reconsider the power we give language in our activism and scholarship, as well as in our private lives.

Through an analysis of the discourse practices of populist Far Right groups in France, Italy and Belgian Flanders, this book makes a ground-breaking contribution to our understanding of the ways in which homophobic discourse functions. It proposes an innovative heuristic for the conceiving of the interplay of language, context and culture: discourse ecology. The author brings linguistic theories, methods and ways of understanding and thinking about language to a study of the overt and covert homophobic discourses of three non-Anglophone populist movements, and grounds the interpretation of such practices in observable data. In doing so the book encourages us all to reconsider the power we give language in our activism and scholarship, as well as in our private lives.

Updated for Obama's last year in office, the liberal syndicated radio and television host Bill Press reflects on how the Obama administration has failed and disillusioned the American left. The bestselling liberal syndicated radio and television host Bill Press turns a critical eye on Barack Obama and assesses why his performance as president on issues liberals care deeply about has failed the American left. Press argues efficiently that Obama may have drawn the wrong lessons from the enthusiastic crowds that swarmed around him on the campaign trail in 2008--instead of seeing the potential and desire for a stronger progressivism, Obama tried to rise above and unite the parties. The tragedy of the Obama presidency is that, by trying to be the first "post-partisan" president, he ended up being one of the weakest. On issues as far ranging as gun safety to health care to foreign policy, Obama has let voters down by simply not doing enough or taking the wrong actions. As Press describes it, liberals began the Obama presidency with high hopes, and they now near its end with deep disappointment and a sense of buyer's remorse.

This volume offers a new perspective on American conservatism in the 1960s and the way in which the changes of the decade shaped the development of American politics for the next half-century. Historians have increasingly begun to view the sixties as a decade of conservatism, and a spate of landmark books in the field have traced the careers of Barry Goldwater, Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, and George Wallace. Much, however, is still unknown about the growth of the conservative movement during this decade. In their effort to chronicle the national politicians and organizations that led the movement, previous histories of conservatism neglected to examine lesser-known developments--local perspectives, the role of religion, transnational dimensions--that help to give clues to conservatism's enduring influence in American politics. The contributions here provide a synthesis of cutting-edge scholarship that addresses those overlooked developments and offers new insights into the way that the 1960s shaped the trajectory and contributed to the political power of postwar conservatism.

The Thatcher era was the most dramatic period in British politics since the 1940s. The Keynesian order established then was falling apart thirty years later and the time had come for radical change. As Conservative Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher proved to be the "Iron Lady" at home and abroad. Trade union power was crushed as her Governments strove to bring about an economic renaissance and to reshape the Welfare State, the Civil Service, and local government. This book analyses the politics of the Thatcher era in an incisive and challenging manner.

The chaotic events leading up to Mitt Romney's defeat in the 2012 election indicated how far the Republican Party had rocketed rightward away from the center of public opinion. Republicans in Congress threatened to shut down the government and force a U.S. debt default. Tea Party activists mounted primary challenges against Republican officeholders who appeared to exhibit too much pragmatism or independence. Moderation and compromise were dirty words in the Republican presidential debates. The GOP, it seemed, had suddenly become a party of ideological purity.
Except this development is not new at all. In Rule and Ruin, Geoffrey Kabaservice reveals that the moderate Republicans' downfall began not with the rise of the Tea Party but about the time of President Dwight Eisenhower's farewell address. Even in the 1960s, when left-wing radicalism and right-wing backlash commanded headlines, Republican moderates and progressives formed a powerful movement, supporting pro-civil rights politicians like Nelson Rockefeller and William Scranton, battling big-government liberals and conservative extremists alike. But the Republican civil war ended with the overthrow of the moderate ideas, heroes, and causes that had comprised the core of the GOP since its formation. In hindsight, it is today's conservatives who are "Republicans in Name Only."
Writing with passionate sympathy for a bygone tradition of moderation, Kabaservice recaptures a time when fiscal restraint was matched with social engagement; when a cohort of leading Republicans opposed the Vietnam war; when George Romney--father of Mitt Romney--conducted a nationwide tour of American poverty, from Appalachia to Watts, calling on society to "listen to the voices from the ghetto." Rule and Ruin is an epic, deeply researched history that reorients our understanding of our political past and present.
Today, following the Republicans' loss of the popular vote in five of the last six presidential contests, moderates remain marginalized in the GOP and progressives are all but nonexistent. In this insightful and elegantly argued book, Kabaservice contends that their decline has left Republicans less capable of governing responsibly, with dire consequences for all Americans. He has added a new afterword that considers the fallout from the 2012 elections.

"CLIPS" CHRONICLING OBAMA

"Deanna Drab is a true American who is giving of her time and passion to express the outrage and concerns that many of us feel about President Obama and the "give-a-way" Congress ...."

Dave D'Antoni Florida

"As sunlight cuts through darkness, Deanna Drab forces the light of facts and common sense into the political, economic, and social darkness that engulfs this nation."

Larry and Paula Jaques Athens TX

"Columnist Erma Bombeck spread humor like Deanna spreads constitutional conservatism. America needs both."

Jim Romer Tool TX

"Deanna is a Great Grandmother who is as nice as she can be unless the subject is the future of her beloved U.S.A. Then she takes no prisoners and uses the sharpest knuckles in six counties to blast the Obama Administration for its socialist ways. Her opinion pieces are down home and pithy and her political analysis is razor sharp."

Phil Brantley Gun Barrel City TX

"With fear of socialism sweeping our country, many citizens rung their hands and cried "someone do something." Deanna Drab "did something." She took up her pen and expressed our anger, our hope, the patriotic truths, and our fragile freedom. She exposed false claims and accusations with facts.

Deanna Drab is indeed a Pen Warrior for truth and liberty." Betty Holland, County Chair Republican Party of Henderson County

"Our friendship with Deanna has lasted over 40 years and as the saying goes 'if you want something done ask a busy person.' That's Deanna In our neighborhood, no job was too small or too large for her to tackle. So we weren't surprised to see her 'Letters to the Editor.' She is giving her time to a subject she knows must be heard."

Gerry and Hank(deceased) Henry Irving TX

"When reading Deanna's "letters" I always think, 'Atta, girl Keep up the good work.'"

Ray Allenson Belton TX

"Regardless of your party affiliation, we all want what's best for our country and those we love. Our personal freedoms the Constitution gives us are rapidly being swallowed up by those in power. We, as freedom loving people, need to speak out, and Deanna does an excellent job of that. We need more powerful voices like hers."

Cled and Peggy Painter Athens, TX.

"Years ago when I met Deanna, I realized I was a Political virgin. Deanna knew I was confused about politics in general and she took special care to give me a balanced look at all sides of the political parties so I would be well informed especially when it came time to vote. Her political ideas and ideals are as important to her as is her love for family and country. Thanks to Deanna and her tutelage, I am no longer a virgin."

Sandy Tiffee Whitewright, TX