"The mind and heart of America, in this tremendous hour, require an inspiration which cannot come out of the party caucus and the editorial room of the daily newspaper." So writes Russell Kirk in Prospects for Conservatives. Sixty years hence the hour is late, the situation even more dire. Our governing elites, in all areas of social, political, and cultural life, have snapped the central axis of humanity and trampled upon the principles of natural, social, and transcendent order. But such are not ever lost, and it is these that Russell Kirk offers to us in this work--perhaps his best, in terms of style as well as intellectual depth and creativity, as Bradley Birzer notes in his introduction to this new edition.

As Dr. Birzer goes on to indicate, the book's importance lies less in the specific issues it addresses than in its discussion of eternal truths. In Prospects, the author engages problems of the intellect, community, justice, order, loyalty, tradition, and power; and associates each of these either with the seven classical and Christian virtues or with the seven deadly sins. Yes, the hour is late, but transcendent order can never be entirely extinguished, and its re-articulation in Prospects for Conservatives--bringing it into clear view so that it can affect everyday living--is an unexpected grace from the pen of Russell Kirk, given to all whose intellects and imaginations have not yet lost their bearings. In an age when it is all too easily led off course, Dr. Kirk offers American conservatism a sure way forward, and reason for hope in perilous times.

Despite sustained scholarly interest in the politics of modernism, astonishingly little attention has been paid to its relationship to Conservatism. Yet modernist writing was imbricated with Tory rhetoric and ideology from when it emerged in the Edwardian era. By investigating the many intersections between Anglophone modernism and Tory politics, Conservative Modernists offers new ways to read major figures such as T. S. Eliot, Ezra Pound, T. E. Hulme, and Ford Madox Ford. It also highlights the contribution to modernism of lesser-known writers, including Edward Storer, J. M. Kennedy, and A. M. Ludovici. These are the figures to whom it most frequently returns, but, cutting through disciplinary delineations, the book simultaneously reveals the inputs to modernism of a broad range of political writers, philosophers, art historians, and crowd psychologists: from Pascal, Burke, and Disraeli, to Nietzsche, Le Bon, Wallas, Worringer, Ribot, Bergson, and Scheler.

Some call him the Great Communicator. Many credit him with ending the Cold War. Others even consider him the greatest president since FDR. Ronald Reagan claimed several distinctions as fortieth president, but he will be most remembered by admirers and critics alike for his lasting conservative legacy.

This first comprehensive, archivally grounded assessment of the Reagan presidency offers balanced "second generation" evaluations of the ideas and policies that made up the so-called Reagan Revolution. Drawing on recently opened records, seventeen scholars from history, political science, and economics focus on important areas of national policy during the Reagan administration. James T. Patterson, Hugh Heclo, David M. O'Brien, and others look closely at Reagan's ideas and rhetoric, foreign policies, economic agenda, and social policies, as they build a strong foundation for future interpretations of the Reagan years.

In tackling the Reagan legacy, these contributors don't necessarily agree on what precisely that legacy is. While there is consensus regarding Reagan's ideas, personality, and leadership, there is both doubt and debate about actual achievements. In chapters covering such topics as national security, taxation, environmental policy, immigration reform, and federal judgeships, the authors tend to see his accomplishments as less dramatic than "first generation" proponents have maintained-that there actually was no "Reagan Revolution." Nevertheless, they also agree that his administration accomplished much of its mission in foreign policy and domestic economic policy-success attributed to his conservative idealism and pragmatic politics-and had a lasting effect on the transformation of American conservatism.

While less successful in advancing the social agenda of the "New Right," Reagan nevertheless shaped politics and policy in ways that extended beyond the years of his administration. Whether or not Reagan changed America and the world as much as Roosevelt did remains in dispute, but this volume, with its keen insights and broad scope, advances our understanding of his presidency and allows us to better assess its accomplishments and legacy.

The Cross and Reaganomics: Conservative Christians Defending Ronald Reagan, by Eric R. Crouse, offers important insights on why Reaganomics was a major reason conservative Christians supported Reagan at the polls. On election night in November 1980, Americans witnessed the victory of a conservative to the presidency. With the United States experiencing economic stagnation and high inflation, many were hopeful of Ronald Reagan's deeds matching his optimistic rhetoric of America's potential. What followed was a decade of economic transformation, military buildup, and a political awakening of conservatism. One story that has not received much attention is the relationship between conservative Christians and Ronald Reagan's economic policies. Crouse argues that conservative Christians were among the strongest champions of limited government, free enterprise (particularly small business), and anticommunism. A surprising number of conservative Christian leaders discussed the works of major free market economists. Conservative Christians embraced and tapped into the traditional American values of individual opportunity, personal responsibility, and human freedom-all themes they believed were front and center in Reaganomics. Although American pluralism prevented any plan to Christianize the nation by politics, in the sphere of economics conservative Christians did witness political and cultural gains.

Few organizations feature such a classic synthesis of contemporary far rightist ideas and attitudes as the Liberty Lobby. Though neglected by scholarly research in the past, the Liberty Lobby is a strong and enduring organization that propagates theories of white supremacy, anti-Semitism, and the viability of nationalism. By examining the well-developed ideology and articulate adherents of the Liberty Lobby, Mintz traces the development of the contemporary right, going beyond a general sociological description of the rightist movement or a sensationalist expose. In the context of how the Liberty Lobby differs from the more conservative network and from other far right organizations, intraright rivalry and accommodation are highlighted. Finally, Mintz explores the ideas and personalities of the people who have shaped the Lobby intellectually.

This edited collection describes and discusses the advances of African Americans since the 1960s in the context of political philosophy, specifically, utilitarian liberalism revisited as 1980s and 1990s conservatism. Identifying the basic assumptions of utilitarian liberalism with respect to governance and representation, it uses these constructs to explain public policy outcomes in African-American communities. The three core themes are: governance and the role of the state; African American responses and strategies for empowerment; and policy adjustments of the state. It is a major contribution to the discourse on a problem central to contemporary public policy debate: the appropriate role of government in the regulation of public and private behavior to achieve a balance between freedom and justice.

The narrative of Spiro Agnew's rise and fall has never been fully told. This compelling book tells the story of one of the most controversial, high-level politicians of recent American history and explains the importance of Agnew's life and career. Too often overlooked by students of modern conservatism, Spiro T. Agnew's political career mirrored the transformation of the Republicans from a "big tent" party to a narrower, more conservative, and ideologically purer one in the 1960s and 1970s. Spiro Agnew and the Rise of the Republican Right traces Agnew's life and career and shows how Agnew was a key figure in American politics-and documents how a powerful politician who looked to be headed to the presidency ended up having to resign from the office of the vice president in shame and fade into the shadows of political history. This political biography examines how Spiro Agnew's ideological transformation from a moderate liberal to a conservative spearheaded the rise of the Republican Right. Author Justin P. Coffey, PhD, explores the political, social, and racial aspects of Agnew's career and how he both influenced and was himself shaped by each of these parameters. This book offers an unprecedented study of Agnew's legacy in the present-day context, providing information suited for any reader interested in history or politics and filling a void in the scholarship of the rise of the conservative movement. Provides a comprehensive scholarly biography of Spiro Agnew, an important 20th-century politician who helped shape the direction of the Republican Party Presents historical information that documents how the conservatives took control of the Republican Party and caused a key shift in the party's ideology Helps explain the origins of the ideological divisions of American politics, allowing readers to better understand the current state of the two main political parties Written by the foremost expert on Agnew and an academic who specializes in recent American history

This volume offers a unique comparative perspective on post-war conservatism, as it traces the rise and mutations of conservative ideas in three countries - Britain, France and the United States - across a 'short' twentieth century (1929-1990) and examines the reconfiguration of conservatism as a transnational phenomenon. This framework allows for an important and distinctive point --the 1980s were less a conservative revolution than a moment when conservatism, understood in Burkean terms, was outflanked by its various satellites and political avatars, namely, populism, neoliberalism, reaction and cultural and gender traditionalism. No long running, unique 'conservative mind' comes out of this book's transnational investigation. The 1980s did not witness the ascendancy of a movement with deep roots in the 18th century reaction to the French Revolution, but rather the decline of conservatism and the rise of movements and rhetoric that had remained marginal to traditional conservatism.

This encyclopedia covers American right-wing extremist groups and extremism from the 1930s to the present day, including neo-Nazis, the Ku Klux Klan, and various anti-government organizations. Right-wing extremism in America has had an established presence from the 1930s through the present day. The election of America's first African-American president and the resuscitation of "big government" policymaking have stimulated a reaction from, and a reemergence of, right-wing extremists, Neo-Nazis, racist skinheads, and white supremacists. Unfortunately, it seems Americans are still living in an age of extremism. The Encyclopedia of Right-Wing Extremism in Modern American History provides useful, authoritative information about these groups and their histories, covering conservative extremism from the 1930s onward, such as white supremacist groups and neo-Nazis, Christian Identity and other right-wing religious movements, and anti-American government extremists. An introductory overview, insightful conclusion chapter, and useful, up-to-date bibliography are also included. Chronological presentation of the specific groups and organizations provides historical insight into the development of right-wing extremism Provides an up-to-date bibliography for further reading Thorough cross-referencing of sources

Defense of inequality has always been a core principle of the Conservative Party in Great Britain. Yet the Conservatives have enjoyed great electoral success in a British society marked by widespread inequalities of wealth and income. Peter Dorey here examines the intellectual and political arguments which Conservatives use to justify inequality. He also considers debates between Conservatives over how much inequality is desirable or acceptable. Should inequality be unlimited, in order to promote liberty, incentives and rewards? Or should inequality be kept within certain bounds to prevent social breakdown and political upheaval? Finally, he examines why some less prosperous sections of British society have nonetheless supported the Conservatives instead of political parties promoting equality. This book will be an important resource for students and commentators of contemporary British politics.

This is volume 20 in the "Major Conservative and Libertarian Thinkers" series. The American Milton Friedman (1912-2006) was the leader of the Chicago School of monetary economics. An unofficial advisor to Ronald Reagan, he promoted a free market economy with little intervention from the government. His writings on public and economic policy emphasized the preservation and expansion of individual freedom and he was a strong opponent of the Keynesian economics. He is known for reviving interest in the quantity theory of money and was awarded the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics in 1976. "Major Conservative and Libertarian Thinkers" provides comprehensive accounts of the works of seminal conservative thinkers from a variety of periods, disciplines, and traditions - the first series of its kind. Even the selection of thinkers adds another aspect to conservative thinking, including not only theorists but also writers and practitioners. The series comprises twenty volumes, each including an intellectual biography, historical context, critical exposition of the thinker's work, reception and influence, contemporary relevance, bibliography including references to electronic resources, and an index.

Viereck examines the ethics and political philosophy of the New Conservatism and explains why this movement has, in part deservedly, failed.

When the federal government starts to provide the American citizens with facts about what they are doing instead of making decisions that they believe are best for the common folk. The pathetic part is that the President and Congress for the most part do not listen to what the American citizen is telling them. When we make every member accountable we will be starting the process of ""Taking Back America"." The citizens of the United States need to express our opinions to the representatives of our local districts and make sure that they understand we will not be voting for them in 2012 if they do not start acting in the best interest of the people. Could it be that the reason that the main stream media is always backing the Democrats and the unions is because they are union shops. That is correct. The main stream media are union shops and therefore are usually biased in their reporting in favor of the Democrats and the unions. This sure explains some of their very biased articles.

This book addresses how the Conservative Party has re-focused its interest in social policy. Analysing to what extent the Conservatives have changed within this particular policy sphere, the book explores various theoretical, social, political, and electoral dimensions of the subject matter.

The prevailing sentiment of contemporary intellectuals is that the human condition has never been better. History is regarded as lengthy episode of oppression that human beings have gradually but steadily fought to overcome with considerable success. Evidence of these successes that are commonly offered include increased material consumption, better health and longer life expectancy, technological development and, above all, the ongoing triumph of "democracy" and "human rights."

However, the nineteenth and twentieth century produced an array of dissident thinkers that expressed a great skepticism of modern civilization. Their individual critiques were often vastly different from one another. Yet the common idea that emerges from work of these genuine intellectual mavericks is one that laments the loss of traditional societies, and pessimism about the new world that modernity has brought. Instead, the modern project has been regarded by thinkers as different as Nietzsche, G.K. Chesterton and Alain De Benoist to have been a cultural and spiritual degeneration that diminished rather than elevated the nobility of man.

This work by Keith Preston examines the ideas of these thinkers, and considers the potential relevance of their insights in the postmodern age.

Conservatism and Pragmatism illustrates the intersections between classical British Conservative thought and classical American Pragmatist philosophy with regard to methodology in politics, ethics, and law.

Through an analysis of the discourse practices of populist Far Right groups in France, Italy and Belgian Flanders, this book makes a ground-breaking contribution to our understanding of the ways in which homophobic discourse functions. It proposes an innovative heuristic for the conceiving of the interplay of language, context and culture: discourse ecology. The author brings linguistic theories, methods and ways of understanding and thinking about language to a study of the overt and covert homophobic discourses of three non-Anglophone populist movements, and grounds the interpretation of such practices in observable data. In doing so the book encourages us all to reconsider the power we give language in our activism and scholarship, as well as in our private lives.

Through an analysis of the discourse practices of populist Far Right groups in France, Italy and Belgian Flanders, this book makes a ground-breaking contribution to our understanding of the ways in which homophobic discourse functions. It proposes an innovative heuristic for the conceiving of the interplay of language, context and culture: discourse ecology. The author brings linguistic theories, methods and ways of understanding and thinking about language to a study of the overt and covert homophobic discourses of three non-Anglophone populist movements, and grounds the interpretation of such practices in observable data. In doing so the book encourages us all to reconsider the power we give language in our activism and scholarship, as well as in our private lives.

Attention all patriotic Americans Read the one book that has liberal America outraged. Jason Johnson is rapidly becoming the new warrior for the Right His controversial, new book Wake up America is one of the most talked about books in the nation. This book will literally blow you away America ever written about the hypocrisy of the American Left. You wanted the truth America. Well now yon got it If you're an anti-Bush, America-hater you better look out because this U.S. Army vet is coming for you and he doesn't look happy. V. these days? Are you tired of overpaid, spoiled, Hollywood celebrities telling your kids to hate their President and their country? Are you concerned about the illiteracy rate in America? all about the latest rap star or shallow, Bush-hating actor. thinking it, Johnson says it This book is hot Get it today

City of the Right examines the writings of some of today's most influential conservative thinkers. Irving Kristol, William F. Buckley, Edward C. Banfield, Milton Friedman, and novelist Ayn Rand receive extended consideration. Topics discussed range from authority, law and order, and traditional value systems to social welfare programs and the plight of the poor.

The United States is under assault by the progressive attitudes and actions of the liberal Left. At this critical time in our history, it is imperative that conservatives stand united against this assault. The majority of Americans are not progressive liberals, so why should we have to live with progressive liberal policies? Charles Gross thinks it's time to fi ght for individual liberties and America's future. He makes a case for the following:

Liberals consistently say one thing and do another. Liberal politicians blatantly promote racism and divisiveness. Progressive liberal concepts enable the Islamic agenda of global domination. Many moderate Americans support liberal candidates, voting against their own best interests. Republican politicians contribute to the problem by failing to act with integrity and according to the Constitution.

Gross proposes achievable solutions to restore traditional American values. By reducing the size of the federal government, reforming taxation, maintaining a strong national defense, and applying the tenets of the United States Constitution along with common sense, it is possible to save America from progressive liberalism.

This book aims to provide an important insight into the essence of Putinism and the political system he has established in Russia over the past decade. Van Herpen compares in detail the many and often surprising parallels that exist between Vladimir Putin's regime in Russia and that of Weimar Germany and Mussolini's Italy indicating the presence of strong Fascist elements in the contemporary Russian Political system. However, this is tempered with elements of Bonapartism from Napoleon III's France and the populism of Italian politics under Berlusconi creating a hybrid system which has been termed 'Fascism-Lite' with a softer face than Mussolinian Fascism but still containing a hard core of ultra-nationalism, militarism and neo-imperialism. The author not only looks at Putin's regime in retrospect but also offers an insight into the future of the Russian political system as Russia's strong man begins his third term in office.