Why were the European middle classes ready to acquiesce in neo-liberalism? This book argues that upward mobility, the growth of individual and family assets, the growing significance of private provision, and processes of individualization contributed to a major transformation of the middle classes, making them more prone to embrace inequality and market principles. It shows how the self-interest of large sections of the middle classes undermined social democracy and paved the way for neo-liberal reforms, making their socio-economic positioning ever more precarious and reducing their political power. Central to the debate is the question of how the middle classes can rebalance the relationship between the Market and state intervention, so as to establish a new social equilibrium.

"CLIPS" CHRONICLING OBAMA

"Deanna Drab is a true American who is giving of her time and passion to express the outrage and concerns that many of us feel about President Obama and the "give-a-way" Congress ...."

Dave D'Antoni Florida

"As sunlight cuts through darkness, Deanna Drab forces the light of facts and common sense into the political, economic, and social darkness that engulfs this nation."

Larry and Paula Jaques Athens TX

"Columnist Erma Bombeck spread humor like Deanna spreads constitutional conservatism. America needs both."

Jim Romer Tool TX

"Deanna is a Great Grandmother who is as nice as she can be unless the subject is the future of her beloved U.S.A. Then she takes no prisoners and uses the sharpest knuckles in six counties to blast the Obama Administration for its socialist ways. Her opinion pieces are down home and pithy and her political analysis is razor sharp."

Phil Brantley Gun Barrel City TX

"With fear of socialism sweeping our country, many citizens rung their hands and cried "someone do something." Deanna Drab "did something." She took up her pen and expressed our anger, our hope, the patriotic truths, and our fragile freedom. She exposed false claims and accusations with facts.

Deanna Drab is indeed a Pen Warrior for truth and liberty." Betty Holland, County Chair Republican Party of Henderson County

"Our friendship with Deanna has lasted over 40 years and as the saying goes 'if you want something done ask a busy person.' That's Deanna In our neighborhood, no job was too small or too large for her to tackle. So we weren't surprised to see her 'Letters to the Editor.' She is giving her time to a subject she knows must be heard."

Gerry and Hank(deceased) Henry Irving TX

"When reading Deanna's "letters" I always think, 'Atta, girl Keep up the good work.'"

Ray Allenson Belton TX

"Regardless of your party affiliation, we all want what's best for our country and those we love. Our personal freedoms the Constitution gives us are rapidly being swallowed up by those in power. We, as freedom loving people, need to speak out, and Deanna does an excellent job of that. We need more powerful voices like hers."

Cled and Peggy Painter Athens, TX.

"Years ago when I met Deanna, I realized I was a Political virgin. Deanna knew I was confused about politics in general and she took special care to give me a balanced look at all sides of the political parties so I would be well informed especially when it came time to vote. Her political ideas and ideals are as important to her as is her love for family and country. Thanks to Deanna and her tutelage, I am no longer a virgin."

Sandy Tiffee Whitewright, TX

This is the first thorough and systematic interrogation of Republican Party oratory and rhetoric that examines a series of leading figures in American conservative politics. It asks: How do leading Republican Party figures communicate with and influence their audiences?; What makes a successful speech, and why do some speeches fail to resonate? Most importantly, it also investigates why orators use different styles of communication with different audiences, such as the Senate, party conventions, public meetings, and through the media. By doing so it shines important new light into conservative politics from the era of Eisenhower to the more brutal politics of Donald Trump. The book will appeal to students and scholars across the fields of US politics, contemporary US history, and rhetoric and communication studies.

"Liberalism: Time-Tested Principles for the Twenty-First Century" offers a multi-dimensional definition of Liberalism and calls upon American Liberals to rally behind their principles. Key sentences: The principal concern of Liberalism has always been good government, which Liberals regard as an essential element of a good society. Liberals have a tradition of Nationalism. If they wish to flourish again, Liberals must find leaders who can win the confidence of those ordinary Americans who consider the well-being of America as their primary concern. Liberals are committed to an America that plays a positive role in the world, and provides a good life for all its people.

"Despite its association with the national, the modern Right is a transnational phenomenon. Whether in its fascist, conservative or other forms, it organizes across national barriers, linking together movements in different states. The links the Right has sought to forge beyond the national over the last century have been too often neglected, and this volume seeks to shed new light on transnationalism, the Right, and the ways the two interact. To explore this, this book draws on a variety of cases, in diverse regions of the world, throughout the last hundred years, so that we may better understand the relationship of the transnational to different forms of the Right"--

In recent years, black neoconservatism has captured the national imagination. Clarence Thomas sits on the Supreme Court. Stephen Carter's opinions on topics ranging from religion to the confirmation process are widely quoted. "The New Republic "has written that black neoconservative Thomas Sowell was having a greater influence on the discussion of matters of race and ethnicity than any other writer of the past ten years.

In this compelling and vividly argued book, Ronald Roberts reveals how this attention has turned an eccentricity into a movement. Black neoconservatives, Roberts believes, have no real constituency but, as was the case with Clarence Thomas, are held up--and proclaim themselves--as simply and ruthlessly honest, as above mere self-interest and crude political loyalties. They profess a concern for those they criticize, claiming to possess an objective truth which sets them apart from their critics in the establishment Left. They claim to be outsiders even while sustained by the culture's most powerful institutions. As they level attacks at the activist organizations they perceive as moribund, every significant argument they advance rests on fervent mantras of harsh truths and simple realities.

Enlisting the ideal of impartiality as a partisan weapon, this Tough Love Crowd has elevated the familiar wisdom of Spare the rod and spoil the child to the arena of national politics. Turning to their own writings and proclamations, Roberts here serves up a devastating critique of such figures as Clarence Thomas, Shelby Steele, Stephen Carter, and V. S. Naipaul (Tough Love International). Clarence Thomas and the Tough Love Crowd marks the emergence of a provocative and powerful voice on our cultural and political landscape, a voice which holds those who subscribe to this polemically powerful ideology accountable for their opinions and actions.

Much scholarship on nineteenth-century English workers has been devoted to the radical reform politics that powerfully unsettled the social order in the century's first decades. Comparatively neglected have been the impetuous patriotism, royalism, and xenophobic anti-Catholicism that countless men and women demonstrated in the early Victorian period. This much-needed study of the era's "conservatism from below" explores the role of religion in everyday culture and the Tories' successful mobilization across class boundaries. Long before they were able to vote, large swathes of the lower classes embraced Britain's monarchical, religious, and legal institutions in the defense of traditional English culture.

In the aftermath of 9/11, neoconservatism became one of the most talked-about influences on US foreign policy. Both critics and supporters have been united by the belief that neoconservatism, good or bad, is an ideology characterized by its commitment to promoting democracy overseas for strategic or moral reasons or both. In "Neoconservatism and the New American Century, "Maria Ryan argues that this purported commitment to democracy was never more than a secondary or tertiary concern and that, since 1989, the neoconservatives have consciously and deliberately prioritized strategic interests over moral ones in order to preserve America's "unipolar moment."

During the interwar years France experienced severe political polarization. At the time many observers, particularly on the left, feared that the French right had embraced fascism, generating a fierce debate that has engaged scholars for decades, but has also obscured critical changes in French society and culture during the 1920s and 1930s. This collection of essays shifts the focus away from long-standing controversies in order to examine various elements of the French right, from writers to politicians, social workers to street fighters, in their broader social, cultural, and political contexts. It offers a wide-ranging reassessment of the structures, mentalities, and significance of various conservative and extremist organizations, deepening our understanding of French and European history in a troubled yet fascinating era.

Between Promise and Policy is a thoughtful and intriguing study that compares the professed ideals and actual realities of conservative reformism leading up to, and during, the Reagan presidency. The author examines Ronald Reagan's defense program, his policies to reduce the size of the federal government, regulatory reform, and the reprioritizing of government expenditures. Karaagac concludes that the Regan administration effectively employed ideology as a political tool: President Reagan could alternate between being pragmatic and flexible, in order to score political victories, while making a stand as a staunch defender of conservative principles in order to rally his supporters.

The Third Duke of Portland served twice as Prime Minster and had a long and distinguished political career from 1760s to the 1780s. This study details how he was transformed from a pillar of the grand Whiggery (he was the brother-in-law of Georgiana, Duchess of Devonshire) into the figurehead for would-be Tories. The book also examines how he played an important public role in many of the political crises of his era (including the French Revolution and the Union) as well as a hidden role in British history (he was involved in the secret service and political corruption).

This book explores the emergence, and in Poland, Hungary, and Russia the coming to power, of politicians and political parties rejecting the consensus around market reforms, democratization, and rule of law that has characterized moves toward an "open society" from the 1990s. It discusses how over the last decade these political actors, together with various think tanks, intellectual circles, and religious actors, have increasingly presented themselves as "conservatives," and outlines how these actors are developing a new local brand of conservatism as a full-fledged ideology that counters the perceived liberal overemphasis on individual rights and freedom, and differs from the ideology of the established, present-day conservative parties of Western Europe. Overall, the book argues that the "renaissance of conservatism" in these countries represents variations on a new, illiberal conservatism that aims to re-establish a strong state sovereignty defining and pursuing a national path of development.

Drawing upon the expertise of a team of established researchers, The Conservatives under David Cameron provides a detailed analysis and evaluation of the ideas, policies and electoral strategy developed during the tenure of David Cameron as Conservative Party leader. For students of developments in British politics, the book provides the essential guide to key domestic and foreign policy choices, including the Conservative Party's agenda for economic policy, reform of the public services, welfare reform, law, order and immigration, the environment, constitutional reform, foreign affairs and defence, the European Union, and international development. These choices are placed in historical context by an introduction which also includes a detailed analysis of Conservative Party ideology.

The important theories of Pierre Bourdieu and Alain Touraine, discussed in this book, seek to explain and resolve the "crisis of democracy." They start from a critique of structural inequality in political, economic and social fields - so much in contrast to democratic principles. But their theoretical perspectives and social conclusions diverge. Bourdieu insists on the radical overthrow of dominant institutions and their control of knowledge ("symbolic power"). Touraine advocates reformist cooperation as well as contestation between social movements and political institutions. Their different approaches provide compelling insights into the "democratic deficit" of modern society, that is, inability to overcome the widespread discrimination affecting women, the weaknesses of the environmental movement, persisting educational inequalities and the precarious nature of work in a global economy.

Bob Woodward’s second global bestseller on the Trump presidency, Rage, is an unprecedented and intimate tour de force of original reporting. Rage goes behind the scenes like never before, with stunning new details about early national security decisions and operations and Trump’s moves as he faces a global pandemic, economic disaster and racial unrest.

Woodward, the #1 internationally bestselling author of 13 #1 bestsellers, including Fear: Trump in the White House, shows Trump up close in his entirety before the 2020 presidential election. President Trump has said publicly that Woodward has interviewed him. What is not known is that Trump provided Woodward a window into his mind through a series of exclusive interviews.

At key decision points, Rage shows how Trump’s responses to the crises of 2020 were rooted in the instincts, habits and style he developed during his first three years as president. Rage draws from hundreds of hours of interviews with firsthand witnesses, as well as participants’ notes, emails, diaries, calendars and confidential documents. Woodward obtained 25 personal letters exchanged between Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un that have not been public before. Kim describes the bond between the two leaders as out of a “fantasy film,” as the two leaders engage in an extraordinary diplomatic minuet.

Rage will be the foundational account of the Trump presidency, its turmoil, contradictions and risks. It is an essential document for any voter seeking an accurate inside view of the Trump years — volatile and vivid.

Significant recent research on the German Right between 1918 and 1933 calls into question received narratives of Weimar political history. The German Right in the Weimar Republic examines the role that the German Right played in the destabilization and overthrow of the Weimar Republic, with particular emphasis on the political and organizational history of Rightist groups as well as on the many permutations of right-wing ideology during the period. In particular, antisemitism and the so-called "Jewish Question" played a prominent role in the self-definition and politics of the right-wing groups and ideologies explored by the contributors to this volume.

What are the key factors that have transformed the Israeli political center and how will they shape Israel's role in the Middle East in the 1990s? Well-known experts join the editors, Reich and Kieval, in giving a unique picture of current and future trends in Israeli politics, focusing on the movement of the Israeli body politic to the right-of-center and the growing hold of Likud. They define future prospects, taking into account foreign policy, economic, and demographic issues. Academics, policymakers, and journalists will find this volume indispensable to understanding the critical role that Israel will play in the Middle East in the next decade and how domestic politics in Israel will define that role. This survey of political developments by eleven authorities is based on a study of the latest events, on long reflection, and on two conferences that brought together sixty of the most knowledgeable experts on the Middle East today, drawn from the academic world and from various U.S. government departments and agencies. This analysis of political trends assesses Likud's centrality in the governmental system, the role of religious and settler movements, the linkage of domestic politics to the question of Arab-Israeli peace and the future of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and demographic, attitudinal, and other factors that affect political leadership and decisionmaking. The influx of Jewish immigration to Israel from the Soviet Union is viewed in terms of future implications as well. A detailed bibliography is provided.

Selecting journals that speak for a very large number of topics addressed by the conservative press, this volume profiles selected conservative journals published since 1787. The conservative press has scarcely spoken with a single voice, whether the topics treated or even the time inhabited are the same or different. Yet, these journals testify to the persistent vigor and importance of conservatism. Together they provide a focused survey of the history of American conservative thought from the late 18th Century to the late 19th Century. Along with the companion volume covering the 20th Century conservative press, the book provides an important resource on conservative thought in America.

Despite the disparities in conservative intellectual thought, the journals covered, even the more idiosyncratic and extreme, are connected by their core values of conservatism. The book is organized into sections reflecting these connections. The first section covers journals associated with Federal, Whig, or, in the Civil War era, Northern Democratic political interests. A later section includes journals sharing an attachment to Southern conservative values during the antebellum and Reconstruction periods. Two sections deal, respectively, with 19th Century Orthodox Protestant periodicals and 19th Century Catholic and Episcopal journals, and yet another section discusses journals united by a major focus on literary topics and cultural connections.