American political development (APD) is a core subfield in American political science, and focuses on political and policy history. For a variety of reasons, most of the focus in the twentieth century APD has been on liberal policymaking. Yet since the 1970s, conservatives have gradually assumed control over numerous federal policymaking institutions. This edited book will be the first to offer a comprehensive overview of the impact of conservatism on twentieth century American political development, locating its origins in the New Deal and then focusing on how conservatives acted within government once they began to achieve power in the late 1960s. The book is divided into three eras, and in each it focuses on three core issues: social security, the environment, and education. Throughout, the authors emphasize the ironic role of conservatism in the expansion of the American state. Scholars of the state have long focuses on liberalism because liberals were the architects of state expansion. However, as conservatives increased their presence in the federal apparatus, they were frequently co-opted into maintaining of even expanding public fiscal and regulatory power. At times, conservatives also came to accept the existence of the liberal state, but attempted to use it to achieve conservative policy ends. Despite conservatives' power in the US politics and governance, the American state remains gargantuan. As Conservatism and American Political Development shows, the new right has not only helped shape the state, but has been shaped by it as well.

The idea that conservatism amounts to little more than being in favour of free market capitalism and a small state-widely held for decades-is seriously mistaken. Award-winning political theorist Yoram Hazony argues that the best hope for Western democracy is to return to a genuine conservatism that is distinct from the hollow promises of contemporary economic and social liberalism. He explains how this great Anglo-American conservative tradition - rooted in empiricism, faith and the nation - emerged and developed in England in the thought of men like Richard Hooker and Edmund Burke, and later inspired American figures ranging from the Federalists to Lincoln. He analyses how this tradition was corrupted and subverted from the 1960s onwards by the right's misconceived embrace of 'fusionism' and liberalism, and how it can be revived today to respond to an era of progressive hegemony. Reflecting on his own first-hand experiences - and the importance of personal behaviour, piety and virtue in rebuilding the culture and politics of conservatism - Hazony makes a powerful counter-cultural case for a revivified conservatism that no-one dissatisfied with the current state of the political right can afford to miss.

This is the first thorough and systematic interrogation of Republican Party oratory and rhetoric that examines a series of leading figures in American conservative politics. It asks: How do leading Republican Party figures communicate with and influence their audiences?; What makes a successful speech, and why do some speeches fail to resonate? Most importantly, it also investigates why orators use different styles of communication with different audiences, such as the Senate, party conventions, public meetings, and through the media. By doing so it shines important new light into conservative politics from the era of Eisenhower to the more brutal politics of Donald Trump. The book will appeal to students and scholars across the fields of US politics, contemporary US history, and rhetoric and communication studies.

There has been a tendency amongst scholars to view Switzerland as a unique case, and comparative scholarship on the radical right has therefore shown little interest in the country. Yet, as the author convincingly argues, there is little justification for maintaining the notion of Swiss exceptionalism, and excluding the Swiss radical right from cross-national research. His book presents the first comprehensive study of the development of the radical right in Switzerland since the end of the Second World War and therefore fills a significant gap in our knowledge. It examines the role that parties and political entrepreneurs of the populist right, intellectuals and publications of the New Right, as well as propagandists and militant groups of the extreme right assume in Swiss politics and society. The author shows that post-war Switzerland has had an electorally and discursively important radical right since the 1960s that has exhibited continuity and persistence in its organizations and activities. Recently, this has resulted in the consolidation of a diverse Swiss radical right that is now established at various levels within the political and public arena.

"Liberalism: Time-Tested Principles for the Twenty-First Century" offers a multi-dimensional definition of Liberalism and calls upon American Liberals to rally behind their principles. Key sentences: The principal concern of Liberalism has always been good government, which Liberals regard as an essential element of a good society. Liberals have a tradition of Nationalism. If they wish to flourish again, Liberals must find leaders who can win the confidence of those ordinary Americans who consider the well-being of America as their primary concern. Liberals are committed to an America that plays a positive role in the world, and provides a good life for all its people.

"Despite its association with the national, the modern Right is a transnational phenomenon. Whether in its fascist, conservative or other forms, it organizes across national barriers, linking together movements in different states. The links the Right has sought to forge beyond the national over the last century have been too often neglected, and this volume seeks to shed new light on transnationalism, the Right, and the ways the two interact. To explore this, this book draws on a variety of cases, in diverse regions of the world, throughout the last hundred years, so that we may better understand the relationship of the transnational to different forms of the Right"--

In recent years, black neoconservatism has captured the national imagination. Clarence Thomas sits on the Supreme Court. Stephen Carter's opinions on topics ranging from religion to the confirmation process are widely quoted. "The New Republic "has written that black neoconservative Thomas Sowell was having a greater influence on the discussion of matters of race and ethnicity than any other writer of the past ten years.

In this compelling and vividly argued book, Ronald Roberts reveals how this attention has turned an eccentricity into a movement. Black neoconservatives, Roberts believes, have no real constituency but, as was the case with Clarence Thomas, are held up--and proclaim themselves--as simply and ruthlessly honest, as above mere self-interest and crude political loyalties. They profess a concern for those they criticize, claiming to possess an objective truth which sets them apart from their critics in the establishment Left. They claim to be outsiders even while sustained by the culture's most powerful institutions. As they level attacks at the activist organizations they perceive as moribund, every significant argument they advance rests on fervent mantras of harsh truths and simple realities.

Enlisting the ideal of impartiality as a partisan weapon, this Tough Love Crowd has elevated the familiar wisdom of Spare the rod and spoil the child to the arena of national politics. Turning to their own writings and proclamations, Roberts here serves up a devastating critique of such figures as Clarence Thomas, Shelby Steele, Stephen Carter, and V. S. Naipaul (Tough Love International). Clarence Thomas and the Tough Love Crowd marks the emergence of a provocative and powerful voice on our cultural and political landscape, a voice which holds those who subscribe to this polemically powerful ideology accountable for their opinions and actions.

A fascinating inside account of the attempt to prosecute former US president Donald Trump.

Mark Pomerantz was a retired lawyer living a calm suburban life when he accepted an offer to join the staff of the district attorney of New York County in February 2021. His brief: to work on the investigation of former president Donald Trump and the Trump Organisation.

Over the next year, Pomerantz interviewed potential witnesses, scrutinised financial records and learned everything he could about Trump's business practices. He finally gathered enough evidence to support the view-held by many of his colleagues on the case-that Trump should be indicted for a number of financial crimes. But that indictment never happened. This book explains why.

In People vs. Donald Trump, Pomerantz tells the story of his unprecedented investigation, why he and his colleague Carey Dunne resigned in protest when Manhattan's district attorney refused to act, and why he believes Donald Trump should be prosecuted. He draws from a lifetime of legal experience to tell a devastating and frequently entertaining story of how prosecutors think, how criminals act, and how the American justice system works-and sometimes doesn't work. It is a cautionary tale that explores how Trump manages to dance between the raindrops of accountability, and how others might bring him to justice.

In the aftermath of 9/11, neoconservatism became one of the most talked-about influences on US foreign policy. Both critics and supporters have been united by the belief that neoconservatism, good or bad, is an ideology characterized by its commitment to promoting democracy overseas for strategic or moral reasons or both. In "Neoconservatism and the New American Century, "Maria Ryan argues that this purported commitment to democracy was never more than a secondary or tertiary concern and that, since 1989, the neoconservatives have consciously and deliberately prioritized strategic interests over moral ones in order to preserve America's "unipolar moment."

Significant recent research on the German Right between 1918 and 1933 calls into question received narratives of Weimar political history. The German Right in the Weimar Republic examines the role that the German Right played in the destabilization and overthrow of the Weimar Republic, with particular emphasis on the political and organizational history of Rightist groups as well as on the many permutations of right-wing ideology during the period. In particular, antisemitism and the so-called "Jewish Question" played a prominent role in the self-definition and politics of the right-wing groups and ideologies explored by the contributors to this volume.

A journalist and author of The Influence of Soros examines the history of Jewish people in America and explores their ever-evolving relationship to the nation’s culture and identity—and each other. What does it mean to be a Bad Jew? Many Jews use the term “Bad Jew� as a weapon against other members of the community or even against themselves. You can be called a Bad Jew if you don’t keep kosher; if you only go to temple on Yom Kippur; if you don’t attend or send your children to Hebrew school; if you enjoy Christmas music; if your partner isn’t Jewish; if you don’t call your mother often enough. The list is endless. In Bad Jews, Emily Tamkin argues that perhaps there is no answer to this timeless question at all. Throughout American history, Jewish identities have evolved and transformed in a variety of ways. The issue of what it means, or doesn’t, to be a Good Jew or a Bad Jew is particularly fraught at this moment, American Jews feel and fear antisemitism is on the rise.. There are several million people who identify as American Jews—but that doesn’t mean they all identify with one another. American Jewish history is full of discussions and debates and hand wringing over who is Jewish, how to be Jewish, and what it means to be Jewish. In Bad Jews, Emily Tamkin examines the last 100 years of American Jewish politics, culture, identities, and arguments. Drawing on over 150 interviews, she tracks the evolution of Jewishness throughout American history, and explores many of the evolving and conflicting Jewish positions on assimilation; race; Zionism and Israel; affluence and poverty, philanthropy, finance, politics; and social justice. From this complex and nuanced history, Tamkin pinpoints perhaps the one truth about American Jewish identity: It is always changing.

The Third Duke of Portland served twice as Prime Minster and had a long and distinguished political career from 1760s to the 1780s. This study details how he was transformed from a pillar of the grand Whiggery (he was the brother-in-law of Georgiana, Duchess of Devonshire) into the figurehead for would-be Tories. The book also examines how he played an important public role in many of the political crises of his era (including the French Revolution and the Union) as well as a hidden role in British history (he was involved in the secret service and political corruption).

Much scholarship on nineteenth-century English workers has been devoted to the radical reform politics that powerfully unsettled the social order in the century's first decades. Comparatively neglected have been the impetuous patriotism, royalism, and xenophobic anti-Catholicism that countless men and women demonstrated in the early Victorian period. This much-needed study of the era's "conservatism from below" explores the role of religion in everyday culture and the Tories' successful mobilization across class boundaries. Long before they were able to vote, large swathes of the lower classes embraced Britain's monarchical, religious, and legal institutions in the defense of traditional English culture.

Drawing upon the expertise of a team of established researchers, The Conservatives under David Cameron provides a detailed analysis and evaluation of the ideas, policies and electoral strategy developed during the tenure of David Cameron as Conservative Party leader. For students of developments in British politics, the book provides the essential guide to key domestic and foreign policy choices, including the Conservative Party's agenda for economic policy, reform of the public services, welfare reform, law, order and immigration, the environment, constitutional reform, foreign affairs and defence, the European Union, and international development. These choices are placed in historical context by an introduction which also includes a detailed analysis of Conservative Party ideology.

The important theories of Pierre Bourdieu and Alain Touraine, discussed in this book, seek to explain and resolve the "crisis of democracy." They start from a critique of structural inequality in political, economic and social fields - so much in contrast to democratic principles. But their theoretical perspectives and social conclusions diverge. Bourdieu insists on the radical overthrow of dominant institutions and their control of knowledge ("symbolic power"). Touraine advocates reformist cooperation as well as contestation between social movements and political institutions. Their different approaches provide compelling insights into the "democratic deficit" of modern society, that is, inability to overcome the widespread discrimination affecting women, the weaknesses of the environmental movement, persisting educational inequalities and the precarious nature of work in a global economy.

This book explores the emergence, and in Poland, Hungary, and Russia the coming to power, of politicians and political parties rejecting the consensus around market reforms, democratization, and rule of law that has characterized moves toward an "open society" from the 1990s. It discusses how over the last decade these political actors, together with various think tanks, intellectual circles, and religious actors, have increasingly presented themselves as "conservatives," and outlines how these actors are developing a new local brand of conservatism as a full-fledged ideology that counters the perceived liberal overemphasis on individual rights and freedom, and differs from the ideology of the established, present-day conservative parties of Western Europe. Overall, the book argues that the "renaissance of conservatism" in these countries represents variations on a new, illiberal conservatism that aims to re-establish a strong state sovereignty defining and pursuing a national path of development.

What are the key factors that have transformed the Israeli political center and how will they shape Israel's role in the Middle East in the 1990s? Well-known experts join the editors, Reich and Kieval, in giving a unique picture of current and future trends in Israeli politics, focusing on the movement of the Israeli body politic to the right-of-center and the growing hold of Likud. They define future prospects, taking into account foreign policy, economic, and demographic issues. Academics, policymakers, and journalists will find this volume indispensable to understanding the critical role that Israel will play in the Middle East in the next decade and how domestic politics in Israel will define that role. This survey of political developments by eleven authorities is based on a study of the latest events, on long reflection, and on two conferences that brought together sixty of the most knowledgeable experts on the Middle East today, drawn from the academic world and from various U.S. government departments and agencies. This analysis of political trends assesses Likud's centrality in the governmental system, the role of religious and settler movements, the linkage of domestic politics to the question of Arab-Israeli peace and the future of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and demographic, attitudinal, and other factors that affect political leadership and decisionmaking. The influx of Jewish immigration to Israel from the Soviet Union is viewed in terms of future implications as well. A detailed bibliography is provided.

During the interwar years France experienced severe political polarization. At the time many observers, particularly on the left, feared that the French right had embraced fascism, generating a fierce debate that has engaged scholars for decades, but has also obscured critical changes in French society and culture during the 1920s and 1930s. This collection of essays shifts the focus away from long-standing controversies in order to examine various elements of the French right, from writers to politicians, social workers to street fighters, in their broader social, cultural, and political contexts. It offers a wide-ranging reassessment of the structures, mentalities, and significance of various conservative and extremist organizations, deepening our understanding of French and European history in a troubled yet fascinating era.