The narrative of Spiro Agnew's rise and fall has never been fully told. This compelling book tells the story of one of the most controversial, high-level politicians of recent American history and explains the importance of Agnew's life and career. Too often overlooked by students of modern conservatism, Spiro T. Agnew's political career mirrored the transformation of the Republicans from a "big tent" party to a narrower, more conservative, and ideologically purer one in the 1960s and 1970s. Spiro Agnew and the Rise of the Republican Right traces Agnew's life and career and shows how Agnew was a key figure in American politics-and documents how a powerful politician who looked to be headed to the presidency ended up having to resign from the office of the vice president in shame and fade into the shadows of political history. This political biography examines how Spiro Agnew's ideological transformation from a moderate liberal to a conservative spearheaded the rise of the Republican Right. Author Justin P. Coffey, PhD, explores the political, social, and racial aspects of Agnew's career and how he both influenced and was himself shaped by each of these parameters. This book offers an unprecedented study of Agnew's legacy in the present-day context, providing information suited for any reader interested in history or politics and filling a void in the scholarship of the rise of the conservative movement. Provides a comprehensive scholarly biography of Spiro Agnew, an important 20th-century politician who helped shape the direction of the Republican Party Presents historical information that documents how the conservatives took control of the Republican Party and caused a key shift in the party's ideology Helps explain the origins of the ideological divisions of American politics, allowing readers to better understand the current state of the two main political parties Written by the foremost expert on Agnew and an academic who specializes in recent American history

This encyclopedia covers American right-wing extremist groups and extremism from the 1930s to the present day, including neo-Nazis, the Ku Klux Klan, and various anti-government organizations. Right-wing extremism in America has had an established presence from the 1930s through the present day. The election of America's first African-American president and the resuscitation of "big government" policymaking have stimulated a reaction from, and a reemergence of, right-wing extremists, Neo-Nazis, racist skinheads, and white supremacists. Unfortunately, it seems Americans are still living in an age of extremism. The Encyclopedia of Right-Wing Extremism in Modern American History provides useful, authoritative information about these groups and their histories, covering conservative extremism from the 1930s onward, such as white supremacist groups and neo-Nazis, Christian Identity and other right-wing religious movements, and anti-American government extremists. An introductory overview, insightful conclusion chapter, and useful, up-to-date bibliography are also included. Chronological presentation of the specific groups and organizations provides historical insight into the development of right-wing extremism Provides an up-to-date bibliography for further reading Thorough cross-referencing of sources

A dedicated politician who has served as a congressman and state legislator defines the formidable challenge for progressives after the November 2016 election—and explains how to bring back leaders focused on working in the broad center of politics in order to get things done for the people. How did Donald Trump become president? According to author Joseph M. Hoeffel, a former congressman, state legislator, and county commissioner, Trump's unprecedented ascension to the highest seat in the country happened because of the American people's frustration with the endless fighting within our dysfunctional government, and because Trump promised change. Now what? What is next for progressives? Fighting for the Progressive Center in the Age of Trump offers a manifesto specifically for opposing the Trump agenda and presents a viable game plan for advocating progressive ideas while also demanding fiscal responsibility and clearly rejecting political extremes. Readers will understand how regaining ground for liberal and progressive thinkers will require winning public support, which will depend on fighting to reestablish the political center with policies that are socially liberal and fiscally responsible. The culmination of decades of political experience, this book offers progressive proposals for championing government reform, balancing the budget, investing in people, maintaining international alliances, standing up for progressive convictions, and promoting sweeping plans to benefit every American, including establishing Medicare for all. This is a rousing call to arms for progressives to fight for the progressive center as the best way to overcome the policies of Donald Trump.

Capitalism With a Human Face is a carefully edited selection of Samuel Brittan's most important recent essays. It covers topics ranging from utilitarianism and the ethics of self-interest, to the principles of macroeconomic policy and how to price people into work without throwing them into poverty. The book will be controversial, for the individualistic ethic, which it is so fashionable to attack, is not merely defended but celebrated. This collection will be of special interest both to readers of Samuel Brittan's articles who would like a more extended treatment and those new to his work. A notable feature is a specially written introduction explaining how the author came to take up political economy and how he arrived at the positions elaborated in this book.

Japan's emergence as a modern state in the middle of the nineteenth century was a unique socio-political event. The accompanying economic development - achieved without tariff autonomy and with practically no injection of foreign capital - was certainly no less remarkable. A major portion of this important volume discusses how this transformation was accomplished.This important book presents a unique insight into the institutional development of capitalism in Japan through a series of Shigeto Tsuru's papers, some of which are published here for the first time. The volume also includes a critical appraisal of Japan's economy during her invasion of China, discussion of general historical trends in capitalism and an assessment of the present, and future, economic problems of Japan. The Economic Development of Modern Japan will be welcomed by scholars and students with an interest in Japan's economic development and her present and future role in the world. Economic Theory and Capitalist Society, the first volume of Shigeto Tsuru's essays, is also available.

Major Conservative and Libertarian Thinkers provides comprehensive accounts of the works of seminal conservative thinkers from a variety of periods, disciplines and traditions - the first series of its kind. Even the selection of thinkers adds another aspect to conservative thinking, including not only theorists but also thinkers in literary forms and those who are also practitioners. The series comprises twenty volumes, each including an intellectual biography, historical context, critical exposition of the thinker's work, reception and influence, contemporary relevance, bibliography including references to electronic resources and an index.

This edited collection describes and discusses the advances of African Americans since the 1960s in the context of political philosophy, specifically, utilitarian liberalism revisited as 1980s and 1990s conservatism. Identifying the basic assumptions of utilitarian liberalism with respect to governance and representation, it uses these constructs to explain public policy outcomes in African-American communities. The three core themes are: governance and the role of the state; African American responses and strategies for empowerment; and policy adjustments of the state. It is a major contribution to the discourse on a problem central to contemporary public policy debate: the appropriate role of government in the regulation of public and private behavior to achieve a balance between freedom and justice.

Few organizations feature such a classic synthesis of contemporary far rightist ideas and attitudes as the Liberty Lobby. Though neglected by scholarly research in the past, the Liberty Lobby is a strong and enduring organization that propagates theories of white supremacy, anti-Semitism, and the viability of nationalism. By examining the well-developed ideology and articulate adherents of the Liberty Lobby, Mintz traces the development of the contemporary right, going beyond a general sociological description of the rightist movement or a sensationalist expose. In the context of how the Liberty Lobby differs from the more conservative network and from other far right organizations, intraright rivalry and accommodation are highlighted. Finally, Mintz explores the ideas and personalities of the people who have shaped the Lobby intellectually.

The idea that conservatism amounts to little more than being in favour of free market capitalism and a small state-widely held for decades-is seriously mistaken. Award-winning political theorist Yoram Hazony argues that the best hope for Western democracy is to return to a genuine conservatism that is distinct from the hollow promises of contemporary economic and social liberalism. He explains how this great Anglo-American conservative tradition - rooted in empiricism, faith and the nation - emerged and developed in England in the thought of men like Richard Hooker and Edmund Burke, and later inspired American figures ranging from the Federalists to Lincoln. He analyses how this tradition was corrupted and subverted from the 1960s onwards by the right's misconceived embrace of 'fusionism' and liberalism, and how it can be revived today to respond to an era of progressive hegemony. Reflecting on his own first-hand experiences - and the importance of personal behaviour, piety and virtue in rebuilding the culture and politics of conservatism - Hazony makes a powerful counter-cultural case for a revivified conservatism that no-one dissatisfied with the current state of the political right can afford to miss.

This book presents the first in-depth academic investigation published in English about one of the most radical incarnations of the current global wave of new right-wing movements and governments: the movement that brought to power the current Brazilian president, Jair Bolsonaro. The rise of this new right-wing movement in Brazil came as a surprise to many analysts who used to see the country as a successful example of the implementation of progressive social policies in the first decade of the 21st century, and posed many questions to those seeking to understand the role Brazil now plays in the development of this international far-right wave. The authors of this volume try to answer some of these questions by presenting the results of an extensive field research conducted over the years with Bolsonaro supporters and members of the new Brazilian right-wing movements. They have analyzed quantitative and especially qualitative data to accompany the accelerated transformations of the Brazilian public sphere, starting from small liberal and conservative groups on social media towards larger audiences via book publishing, the education system, the mainstream media, and the political-party system. By framing the Brazilian case in the wider international political scenario, The Bolsonaro Paradox: The Public Sphere and Right-Wing Counterpublicity in Contemporary Brazil will be an invaluable resource for sociologists, political scientists, international relations scholars and other social scientists - as well as to journalists and political analysts - interested in better understanding the role Brazil plays in the global rise of new far-right movements and governments.

John Locke (1632-1704), one of the great philosophers, is probably best known for his contributions to political thought. In this outstanding volume, Professor Eric Mack of Tulane University explains Locke's philosophical position, placing it in the tumultuous political and religious context of 17th century England. For Locke, entering into political society did not involve giving up one's natural rights, but rather transferring to governmental authority the job of protecting those rights. In this rigorous critical analysis, Mack argues that Locke provides an impressive - if not decisive - philosophical case for the view that individuals have natural rights to life, liberty and property, despite the existence or actions of any political authority.>

This volume provides a thorough and crucial account of the political work of Edmund Burke. "Major Conservative and Libertarian Thinkers" provides comprehensive accounts of the works of seminal conservative thinkers from a variety of periods, disciplines and traditions - the first series of its kind. Even the selection of thinkers adds another aspect to conservative thinking, including not only theorists but also thinkers in literary forms and those who are also practitioners. This volume includes an intellectual biography, historical context, critical exposition on Burke's work, reception and influence, contemporary relevance, bibliography including references to electronic resources and an index. The series comprises twenty volumes, each including an intellectual biography, historical context, critical exposition of the thinker's work, reception and influence, contemporary relevance, bibliography including references to electronic resources and an index.

British philosopher Michael Oakeshott is widely considered as one of the key conservative thinkers of the 20th century. After publishing many works on religion, he became mostly known for his works on political theory. This valuable volume by Edmund Neill sets out to Oakeshott's thought in an accessible manner, considering its initial reception and long-term influence. "Major Conservative and Libertarian Thinkers" provides comprehensive accounts of the works of seminal conservative thinkers from a variety of periods, disciplines and traditions - the first series of its kind. Even the selection of thinkers adds another aspect to conservative thinking, including not only theorists but also thinkers in literary forms and those who are also practitioners. The series comprises twenty volumes, each including an intellectual biography, historical context, critical exposition of the thinker's work, reception and influence, contemporary relevance, bibliography including references to electronic resources and an index.

What goes by the description of "conservatism" these days is a far cry from its past incarnations. Forget the legacy of moderate conservatism promoted by Dwight Eisenhower. Today's conservatism, according to Robert Brent Toplin, has taken a decidedly radical turn.

Toplin offers an intriguing critique of this fast-growing movement that resembles religious fundamentalism - a rigid true believer's mindset that dismisses opposing views and leaves almost no room for dialogue. Toplin observes that the right's orthodox approach represents a significant rejection of the more open-minded and practical outlook that characterized both liberal and conservative politics in earlier years.

Toplin considers three major subgroups within radical conservatism: stealth libertarians, who espouse free markets and small government, culture warriors, who crusade for morality and "values," and hawkish nationalists, who favor military solutions in foreign affairs. He points out that, whatever their differences, these groups manage to unite behind a common loathing. Conservatives demonize liberals, blaming them for most everything they dislike in American life. But, as Toplin shows, their view of "liberals" has little to do with reality, for it treats everyone from the center to the far-left as a liberal and equates liberal ideas with extremism.

When Americans talk about radical conservatism, they usually think of strident commentators on radio and television such as Rush Limbaugh, Sean Hannity, and Ann Coulter. Toplin offers a much broader picture of the radical, fundamentalist mentality. He shows that a religious-like approach to political ideas can also be found in the thinking of prominent scholars, journalists, and public officials such as Milton Friedman, William F. Buckley, Irving Kristol, Allan Bloom, George Will, Fred Barnes, William J. Bennett, and Ronald Reagan. Toplin finds political fundamentalism at work, too, in media outlets like the Fox News Network and the "Wall Street Journal" and at think tanks such as the Heritage Foundation, the American Enterprise Institute, and the Cato Institute.

Offering a roadmap of the radical right's emergence over the past half century, Toplin reveals how enthusiasm for a conservative "faith" helped to erect a bully pulpit in an increasingly powerful political church.

In this volume, Dr Bunce (University of Cambridge) introduces Hobbes' ambitious philosophical project to discover the principles that govern the social world. If Hobbes' immodest assessment that he successfully attained this goal may be disputed, Bunce nevertheless captures the extraordinary enduring value of Hobbes' work for the contemporary reader. Thomas Hobbes's name and the title of his most famous work, "Leviathan," have come to be synonymous with the idea that the natural state of humankind is 'nasty, brutish, and short' and only the intervention of a munificent overlord may spare men and women from this unenviable fate by imposing order where there would otherwise be chaos. The problem that Hobbes formulated resonates through the centuries as the enduring dilemma of political organisation and social cooperation. Indeed it can be seen today in fields as diverse as theoretical game theory and international relations.

Despite the global financial crisis in 2007-2008, neoliberalism has remained dominant and even informs the responses to the crisis. In his masterful analysis, Damien Cahill demonstrates that this resilience is due to neoliberalism being firmly embedded within wider class relations, institutions and ideological norms. And yet, as Cahill also argues, progressive change is possible provided it is based on large-scale political mobilisation. I most strongly recommend this book for reading.' - Andreas Bieler, Nottingham University, UK'Damien Cahill has emerged as one of the most penetrating social scientists on the politics of neoliberalism in the advanced capitalist societies. In his new book, he brings his many years of pouring over policy documents to examine neoliberalism in the new 'age of austerity'. The result is an impressive survey of the history and debates about neoliberal policies. But more powerful is Cahill's hard-headed analysis of why neoliberalism may not simply be in decline, despite the great social disasters it has produced: the 'Great Recession' of 2008 only being the most spectacular. Cahill insists on what many are only beginning to realize: that a new progressive political economy will not emerge as a result of the 'failure of neoliberal ideas', but only when an alternative vision of society fuses with new organized forms of social resistance.' - Greg Albo, York University, Toronto, Canada When the global financial crisis hit in 2007, many commentators thought it heralded the end of neoliberalism. Several years later, neoliberalism continues to dominate policy making. This book sets out why such commentators got it so wrong, and why neoliberalism remains so durable in the face of crisis. This book is the first comprehensive critique of the dominant 'ideas-centered' approach to understanding neoliberalism. It offers an alternative view of neoliberalism as a policy regime that is embedded in institutions, class relations and ideological norms. Damien Cahill argues that the socially embedded nature of neoliberalism explains why policy makers continue to use neoliberal policies as forms of crisis response, even though the crisis itself resulted from several decades of neoliberal restructuring. It takes aim at dominant interpretations of neoliberalism, arguing that it is wrongly viewed as reflecting neoliberal free market ideals, or as resulting from the influence of fundamentalist neoliberal intellectuals. The book concludes with a prognosis of the future prospects for neoliberalism. The End of Laissez-Faire? is a compelling and insightful analysis of neoliberalism, which will appeal to scholars and students of public policy, political science, sociology, political economy, anthropology, human geography, industrial relations and economics-related studies. Contents: Introduction 1. The Idealist View of Neoliberalism 2. Actually Existing Neoliberalism 3. Did Neoliberal Ideas Create the Neoliberal State and Economy? 4. Always Embedded Neoliberalism 5. The Class Embedded Nature of Neoliberalism 6. Institutionally Embedded Neoliberalism 7. Ideologically Embedded Neoliberalism 8. The Global Financial Crisis and the Future of Embedded Neoliberalism Bibliography Index

The British Conservative Party and One Nation Politics attempts to reveal the true nature of Conservative Party politics by examining the centrality of the myth of One Nation. The power and longevity of such a concept is crucial to any understanding of the success of the Conservative Party and this analysis of One Nation helps us to lay bare the kernel of Conservative party politics per se. The use of the term One Nation clearly matters for Conservative Party politics, not just in its 'ancestral' use emanating from Disraeli's 1840s novels and his late nineteenth century rhetoric, but also through Baldwin's speeches and to the failure of John Major to replicate such a serene and contented image of the Nation in the 1990s. But as a concept for the Conservatives it means so much more than mere imagery. It has been successfully utilized in their 'palaeontological' approach to their history in order to give the impression that only the Party puts 'Nation' before any sectional interest, that only the Conservative Party, as the national Party, has the ability to assuage and balance the plurality of competing interests on behalf of the Nation. It is because of this long and successful utilization of the term 'One Nation' that so many within the Party are so keen to lay claim to it.

Growing interest in the ideas of the German legal and political theorist Carl Schmitt have sparked an interest in the thinkers and ideas that influenced him. Chief among those influences stands the 19th-century Spanish and conservative thinker Juan Donoso Cortes (1809-1853). Donoso stands in a unique place in the ideological trajectory of conservative, counter-revolutionary thought that started with the reaction of Joseph de Maistre and Louis de Bonald against the French Revolution and culminated in the rise of fascism in the early twentieth century. As the philosophical successor of de Maistre, Donoso kept de Maistre's ideas on authority and infallibility alive in the midst of the ideological and political controversies and the revolutionary tumult of Europe in the mid-19th century. Donoso's theories on infallibility played a crucial role in the definition of papal infallibility during the First Vatican Council in 1870. His theory on dictatorship changed the focus of continental conservative thought away from emphasizing the restoration of a hierarchically ordered civilization through the restoration of the monarchical ancient regime to the establishment of order and hierarchy by any necessary and effective means. This theory and his critique of parliamentarianism were especially reflected in the Franco regime in Spain and in the political and legal theories of Carl Schmitt.

All the speeches and writings of Cortes that influenced Schmitt are contained in this volume. These major theoretical works appear in English for the first time. Only the Speech on Dictatorship has appeared in English to date. Johnson's Introduction provides extensive commentary on the works and theories developed in them by showing the historical and philosophical context from which they emerged and by pointing out their significance in the development of the counter-revolutionary ideological trajectory leading from de Maistre to fascism. Until now, Donoso has been studied by a small group of mostly conservative and Catholic scholars. This translation makes his ideas more readily available for study by students and scholars of political theory.