First Published in 1988. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor and Francis, an informa company.

This text presents a controversial expose of the rise of the anti-environmental movement in the USA and its rapid spread worldwide. Rowell reveals how extreme violence, threats and international scapegoating and polarization seek to intimidate activists into inactivity and silence over oil company operations in Nigeria, the UK anti-roads movement, Canadian and Australian forestry and European marine resource disputes, Brent Spar and other recent controversies. The tide is turning against environmentalism as the political Right, industry and governments fight back. The backlash is set to get worse as resource wars intensify. But by offering a greater understanding of the challenges and threats facing global environmentalism, this book presents the environmental movement with a chance to reevaluate and change to beat the backlash before it is too late.

This book offers a distinctive treatment of Hayek's ideas, as a "research programme". It presents a detailed account of aspects of Hayek's intellectual development and of problems that arise within his work, and then offers some broad suggestions as to ways in which the programme initiated in his work might be developed further.


eBook available with sample pages: 0203438345

Only now is it possible to see Edward Heath's controversial administration (1970-1974) in balanced historical perspective - and increasingly it seems a turning-point for postwar Britain. This timely volume explores the agenda of the Heath government in all its aspects (including economy, industrial relations, social policy, immigration, Northern Ireland, British entry into Europe, and foreign relations), assesses how far it achieved its aims, and examines the response to them. The book is based upon much new research, including the archives of the Conservative Party and the TUC, and interviews with many of those involved at the heart of government. The result will be essential reading for anyone interested in modern British history, politics and government.

Contributors include PAUL ARTHUR, LEWIS BASTON, VERNON BOGDANOR, ALEC CAIRNCROSS, CHRISTOPHER HILL, DENNIS KAVANAGH, ZIG LAYTON-HENRY, CHRISTOPHER LORD, RODNEY LOWE, JOHN RAMSDEN, ROBERT TAYLOR, KEVIN THEAKSTON, JOHN YOUNG.

There" "was no more appropriate person to write this book. Robert Blake was the doyen of Tory historians being most famous for his unsurpassed biography of Disraeli (to be reissued in Faber Finds). His history of the Conservative Party was first published in 1970. It then went as far as Churchill. A subsequent edition took it up to Thatcher and the final edition, the one being reissued by Faber Finds, to Major. For the span it covers, it remains the definitive one-volume history.

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""'His consummate insight into the whole of the political scene, and his power to communicate the enjoyment of it, makes this exciting reading for anyone remotely interested in British political and social history, or even in the English character.' "Sunday Times"

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""'This book is full of insights and enriched throughout by sparkling commentary' "Evening Standard"

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""'An up-to-date history of the Party was wanted. Mr Blake supplies it with lucidity, scholarship and serene worldliness' "Guardian"

The Vision of Richard Weaver is the first collection of essays about the seminal thinker. It examines the dual nature of human beings and the quest for civilized communities in a corrupted age that believed in the religion of science and in the "natural goodness" of man.

This first volume in a new series comprises nine contributions originally presented at a workshop supported by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Berlin in August, 1994. Topics range from right-wing violence in North America to the development, patterns, and causes of violence against fore

Wilhelm Roepke may have been the soundest economist of the twentieth century. He understood the limitations as well as the strengths of his discipline. Economists are often tempted to take the easy way out, by denying reality to aspects of human existence and reducing them to arbitrary and subjective tastes and preferences. Roepke never does this, and this is his strength. He realizes that all of these are legitimate aspects of human experience which must be satisfied in a balanced and harmonious social existence. Nature, sex, religion, beauty, and politics are all meaningful as parts of the whole. Problems occur only when each segment attempts to become the whole.

The original title of this book, Civitas Humana, contains a double meaning. It promises a treatment of questions fundamental not only to human society but also to humane society. The volume combines distinct aspects of life. Half of the book is devoted to questions of economic and social life. The other half examines spiritual and national life. Chapters include "Moral Foundations," "The Place of Science in the City of Man," "Counterweights to the State," "Congestion and Proletarianisation of Society," and "Economic System and International New Order."

Although Roepke recognized the validity of the nation in the modern world, he was constantly trying to find the smaller agencies within society in which real allegiances and loyalties were to be developed. His ideas continue to be of significance. As described by William F. Campbell in the new introduction, The Moral Foundations of Civil Society is a necessary addition to the libraries of economists, sociologists, theologians, and philosophers.

For nearly 40 years "among the glades of Epping Forest" Churchill found a base for his parliamentary life. This book relates with anecdotal and archival evidence the attempt to unseat him after what many supporters considered an injudicious Munich speech.

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. As a complex and multifaceted world-view, conservatism is often pigeonholed and partially understood. And while the nature of conservative ideology is warmly contested among scholars, no-one can deny its prominence in contemporary debates and its effects on the politics of everyday life. These 16 essays written by expert scholars and specialists offer a broad survey of conservative thought that extends beyond typical historical and geographic boundaries to include past thinkers like Plato and Edmund Burke, non-European conservative traditions such as Japan and Russia, and political 'practitioners' including Margaret Thatcher, Ronald Reagan and Charles de Gaulle. Each essay grapples with short primary source extracts while offering instructive criticism and commentary. Conservative Moments offers students a useful, accessible, and comprehensive exposition of this political ideology.

The Anatomy of Thatcherism explains how, for the first time in British history, a prime minister's name has become an 'Ism'--a symbol of a profound social change. Letwin argues that Thatcherism promoted a moral agenda rather than an economic doctrine or a political theory in order to achieve a fundamental realignment in British politics. She introduces a new term--"the vigorous virtues"--to describe what Thatcherites have aimed to cultivate in Individual Britons and In the country as a whole.

Her definition of Thatcherism is supported by a detailed analysis of the principal Thatcherite policies and the grounds on which they were advocated and opposed, Inside and outside the Conservative Party. Without departing from a lucid and lively style or resorting to technical jargon. Dr. Letwin explains such innovations as schools opting out, budget holding by GPs, and the creation of the first ever competitive spot market in electricity. Just how did the Thatcherite administrations shape the reform of the unions? How is the Thatcherite attitude to the family connected with Thatcherite policies on schools? Why does mon-etarism appear--wrongly--to be at the heart of Thatcherism?

The Anatomy of Thatcherism is a bold and searching book about how Britain changed between 1979 and 1992. It challenges many truisms about British politics, and Is indispensable reading both for those who believe in the future relevance of Thatcherism and for those who want to demolish it. And it will be of particular interest to those con-cerned with the history of British politics, as It shows how Thatcherism both arose out of, and confronted, trends that had per-meated Conservatism for the entire twentieth century.

Michael Oakshott described conservatism as a non-ideological preference for the familiar, tried, actual, limited, near, sufficient, convenient and present. Historically, conservatives have been associated with attempts to sustain social harmony between classes and groups within an organic, hierarchical order grounded in collective history and cultural values. Yet, in recent decades, conservatism throughout the English-speaking world has been associated with radical social and economic policy, often championing free-market models which substitute the free movement of labour and forms of competition and social mobility for organic hierarchy and noblesse oblige. The radical changes associated with such policies call into question the extent to which contemporary conservatism is conservative, rather than ideological. This book seeks to explore contemporary conservative political thought with regard to such topics as, 'One Nation' politics and Big Society, sovereignty, multiculturalism and international blocs, paternalism and negative liberty with regard to narcotics, pornography and education, regional and international development, and public faith, establishment and religious diversity. This book will be published as a special issue of Global Discourse.

This text documents the economic development of East Asian countries in order to highlight the beneficial techniques used to increase growth. Socialist and capitalist structures are discussed, complete with an analysis of the future extent of interaction between East Asian countries.

In an era disgusted with politicians and the various instruments of "direct democracy," Walter Lippmann's The Phantom Public remains as relevant as ever. It reveals Lippmann at a time when he was most critical of the ills of American democracy. Antipopulist in sentiment, this volume defends elitism as a serious and distinctive intellectual option, one with considerable precursors in the American past. Lippmann's demythologized view of the American system of government resonates today.

The Phantom Public discusses the "disenchanted man" who has become disillusioned not only with democracy, but also with reform. According to Lippmann, the average voter is incapable of governance; what is called the public is merely a "phantom." In terms of policy-making, the distinction should not be experts versus amateurs, but insiders versus outsiders. Lippmann challenges the core assumption of Progressive politics as well as any theory that pretends to leave political decision making in the hands of the people as a whole.

In his biography Walter Lippmann and the American Century, Ronald Steel praised The Phantom Public as "one of Lippmann's most powerfully argued and revealing books. In it he came fully to terms with the inadequacy of traditional democratic theory." This volume is part of a continuing series on the major works of Walter Lippmann. As more and more Americans are inclined to become apathetic to the political system, this classic will be essential reading for students, teachers, and researchers of political science and history.

This book, first published in 1986, examines the activities and beliefs of right-wing Conservatives and overt Fascists in inter-war Britain. It analyses the role that ideology played in the various struggles between leaders and dissidents within the Conservative Party, traces the development of central themes in right-wing thought and seeks to show how the complexity of these beliefs established ideological barriers to the growth of Fascism in Britain which, it is argued, was heavily reliant upon the support of disillusioned Conservatives for its limited success. The book helps to establish an overview of right-wing politics in Britain since the turn of the century.

Research on the extreme right is rare, and the extreme right has even more rarely been analysed as a social movement. In this volume, the extreme right is compared in Italy, Germany, and the United States using concepts and methods developed in social movement studies. In particular, the book describes the discourse, action, and organizational structures of the extreme right, and explains these on the basis of the available discursive and political opportunities. Three main empirical methods are used in the research. Firstly, the frame analysis looks at the cognitive mechanisms that are relevant in influencing organizational and individual behaviour. Second, network analysis looks at the (inter-) organizational structural characteristics of right-wing organizations. Finally, protest event analysis allows for an empirical summary of the actions undertaken by right-wing extremists over the last decade. The substantive chapters address the organizational structure of the extreme right, their action repertoires, the framing of protest events, the definition of 'us', the struggle against modernity, old and new forms of racism, opposition to globalization, and populism.

First published in 1990, this book was intended as a counter to the rising and continued strength of the New Right and an attempt to bolster the perceived weakness of the opposition - providing a critical discussion of New Right ideology and also of the more influential Left reactions to them. The contributors scrutinise the attempts to reconstruct the idea of socialism in the 1990s, and pinpoint the relation of socialism to freedom, equality and the market. In the course of this searching evaluation, they also take up issues relating more directly to specific policy areas such as monetary policy and international finance, secondary education, social welfare, and race relations.

Immigration to Britain has rarely achieved the levels experienced by the US, but it is nevertheless true of all periods that immigrants, refugees and soujourners have been continually present'. While we may have the beginnings of a history of immigration, ethnicity and race in Britain, there is a lack of historiographical awareness in the subject. The essays in this collection, ranging from specific case studies to broad themes, are an attempt to provide a basis for future discussion.

Despite the increasing academic interest in populism, we still lack understanding of individual factors contributing to populist voting. One of the main reasons for this is that populism is almost always attached to other ideologies which makes it difficult to isolate factors. This book draws on an innovative research design by comparing the reasons to vote for six populist parties which differ remarkably in terms of their host ideology in Belgium, The Netherlands, and Germany. The results show that populist voters are motivated by their dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy and a desire for more direct democracy. Furthermore it appears that populist parties do not mobilize among one specific social group although deprived groups are generally more susceptible to populist voting. Finally, this study explored why some populist parties persist while others decline. Origins of party formation and how leaders organize their party internally seem the most important factors determining party persistence. This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of populism, European politics and contemporary political theory.

This book explores the process of rebuilding the Conservative Party under David Cameron's leadership since 2005. It traces the different elements of the renewal strategy - ideological reconstruction policy reappraisal and enhanced electoral appeal - and identifies constraints from different sections of the Party, including the parliamentary party and the grassroots membership. It also explores the extent to which long-standing intra-party divisions exacerbated difficulties for the exercise of leadership. The process of renewal has been through a number of stages and its progress has been indirect rather than linear. Although the project has been relatively successful in some respects the extent to which it has created a new Conservative Party remains contested. This book provides essential background and analysis, and will be of interest to students and scholars of British politics and government. -- .

#1 NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER / #1 WALL STREET JOURNAL BESTSELLER / #1 PUBLISHER'S WEEKLY BESTSELLER / #1 AMAZON BESTSELLER No American leader has accomplished more for his state than Governor Ron DeSantis. Now he reveals how he did it. He played baseball for Yale, graduated with honors from Harvard Law School, and served in Iraq and in the halls of Congress. But in all these places, Ron DeSantis learned the same lesson: He didn't want to be part of the leftist elite. His heart was always for the people of Florida, one of the most diverse and culturally rich states in the union. Since becoming governor of the Sunshine State, he has fought--and won--battle after battle, defeating not just opposition from the political left, but a barrage of hostile media coverage proclaiming the end of the world. When he implemented COVID-19 policies based on evidence and focused on freedoms, the press launched a smear campaign against him, yet Florida's economy thrived, its education system outperformed the nation, and Florida's COVID mortality rate for seniors was lower than that in thirty-eight states. When he enacted policies to keep leftist political concepts like critical race theory and woke gender ideology out of Florida's classrooms, the media demagogued his actions, but parents across Florida rallied to his cause. Dishonest attacks from the media don't deter him. In fact, DeSantis keeps racking up wins for Floridians. In 2022, the governor delivered a historic, record-setting victory, winning by nearly 20 points and more than 1.5 million votes. A firsthand account from the blue-collar boy who grew up to take on Disney and Dr. Fauci, The Courage to Be Free delivers something rare from an elected leader: stories of victory. This book is a winning blueprint for patriots across the country. And it is a rallying cry for every American who wishes to preserve our liberties.

Margaret Thatcher remains one of the United Kingdom's most polarising prime ministers. This provocative investigation sheds new light on the secret, internal 'cold war' that the Iron Lady and her government waged against 'the enemy within': anti-nuclear, new age and ecology campaigners; poll tax protesters; trade unionists at GCHQ and striking miners; feminists and homosexuals; Scottish nationalists; Ken Livingstone and the GLC; Derek Hatton and the city councillors of Liverpool; protesters and rioters in Brixton, Toxteth and Broadwater Farm; the far right; the EU; and the IRA - among others. It was a campaign fuelled by paranoia on both the left and right of the political spectrum and fought with corruption, black propaganda, dirty tricks and even murder. Expertly juxtaposing notable events with today's political arena, author Clive Bloom surmises that the United Kingdom is rapidly changing and that although Thatcher's ideals seem to have vanished, one remains: the power and importance of the extra-parliamentary state and its surveillance methods and hidden powers in a new age of terrorism. Thatcher's Secret War provides a timely, critical and compelling study of a deeply complex and controversial premiership. Accessible, fascinating and compulsive, this is a book that may well ruffle feathers and rattle cages. Longlisted for the 'Bread and Roses Award for Radical Publishing' in 2016.

The populist radical right is one of the most studied political phenomena in the social sciences, counting hundreds of books and thousands of articles. This is the first reader to bring together the most seminal articles and book chapters on the contemporary populist radical right in western democracies. It has a broad regional and topical focus and includes work that has made an original theoretical contribution to the field, which make them less time-specific. The reader is organized in six thematic sections: (1) ideology and issues; (2) parties, organizations, and subcultures; (3) leaders, members, and voters; (4) causes; (5) consequences; and (6) responses. Each section features a short introduction by the editor, which introduces and ties together the selected pieces and provides discussion questions and suggestions for further readings. The reader is ended with a conclusion in which the editor reflects on the future of the populist radical right in light of (more) recent political developments - most notably the Greek economic crisis and the refugee crisis - and suggest avenues for future research.

While 20th-century Spain has been dominated by right-wing forces historians have, until now, paid little critical attention to the Spanish Right, concentrating instead on the Civil War and the earlier anarchist revolution. "The Politics of Revenge" seeks to redress this balance in a disturbing account of how the Right seized power through that civil war and then maintained a cruel and corrupt dictatorship. Apart from a brief interval for the Second Republic between 1931 and 1936, the Right prevailed in modern Spain until 1977 when the current democratic regime came to power. On occasions when the Right's domination was challenged by popular democratic forces, the challengers were met with violence. Paul Preston examines the course of the Spanish Civil War (1936-9) and focuses on the army officers and Falangists who fought it and who struggled to reimpose the hegemony of the right. Their success resulted in 40 years of dictatorship under Franco which wreaked revenge on the defeated Left. This book provides an original account of the Spanish Right in its authoritarian, fascist and military forms and presents a highly readable analysis of a ruthless political scene.