Church-state relations are becoming more and more critical. Deepening controversies over church-state relations, the increasing religious pluralism of American society, and the changing makeup of the Supreme Court are forcing a rethinking of approaches to church and state in the public policy realm. Stephen Monsma offers a new approach rooted in structural pluralism as a normative way to understand church-state relations. He suggests that the government should use a principle of positive neutrality in handling church-state relations. He integrates historical, theoretical, social, and legal perspectives and writes in a lively manner for interdisciplinary audiences of students, scholars, and general readers. This study provides an historical background of church and state relations in American society and discusses the development of church-state theory and practice. The author argues that confusions today can be traced back to flaws in the disestablishment settlement of the eighteenth century, flaws which have come to light in the twentieth century. He looks at this pluralist society and the concept of positive neutrality and of religious freedom historically and theoretically and then applies his approach to current issues relating to national policy and Supreme Court decision-making.

In this set of essays,public lawyers, property lawyers and legal philosophers examine the public dimensions of private property. At a time when governments across the globe are privatising formerly public property, the public forum is being replaced by the privately owned shopping mall, and an increasing range of interests are being described as 'property', an examination of the powers which attach to ownership becomes all the more pressing. The contributors consider whether property is a human right, its role in making responsible citizens, its relationship to freedom of speech and other values, the proper scope of constitutional protections of private property, impediments to the redistribution of property, and attempts to redress historical wrongs by property settlements to indigenous people. Taking a richly comparative perspective, examples have been drawn from jurisdictions as diverse as the United Kingdom, South Africa, Germany, the United States, and New Zealand. Contributors: Janet McLean (ed), Kevin Gray, Susan Francis Gray, Geoffrey Samuel, J W Harris, Gregory Alexander, Andre van der Walt, Tom Allen, Jeremy Waldron, Maurice Goldsmith, Alex Frame, John Dawson, Michael Robertson.

This study proposes a multilateralist method of choice of law in order to alleviate the great disarray that currently exists in American choice law. In the early 20th century, there was a fairly-uniform multilateralist method of choice law. In the 1920s and 30s, however, scholars adn courts began to reject this method. Viewed as too mechanical the method sometimes resulted in the choice of law of a state with only a tenuous connection to the controversy. Currently, state courts use four different approached to choice law with numerous material variations. This study rejects these approaches on normative, constitutional, and practical grounds. Instead, it advocates that courts adopt a multilateralist approach to choice of law that is forum- and content-neutral and that respects the rights of both individuals and states. The study also argues that such an approach should satisfy a constitutional standard that requires a court not choose one state's law when another state has a significantly closer connection to controversy.

The proposed method consists of two parts. The first part determines the states that have created legal relations applying to the dispute. When more than one state has created a legal realtions applying to the dispute. When more than one state has created a legal relation that applies to the controversy, the second part adopts the law of the state that had the closest connection. The study then applies the suggested method to numerous choice of law problems.

Title 29 presents regulations addressing labor management standards; wages and hours; equal employment; occupational safety; and pension and welfare benefits.

On July 21, 1990, Associate Justice William J. Brennan, Jr., announced his resignation from the nation's highest court. The judicial career of the man who Wat Hopkins considers the United States Supreme Court's premier protector of expression came to an end. Hopkins examines the body of Justice Brennan's free expression jurisprudence and shows how Justice Brennan's theory of free expression was built on the metaphor of a marketplace of ideas.

Hopkins' analysis is based primarily on an examination of the significant free expression cases during Brennan's thirty-four year term. He concludes that Brennan developed a philosophically sound First Amendment theory that was accepted by the Court, but is not being applied today with the force necessary to make it truly effective. This detailed examination of Justice Brennan's jurisprudence is a noteworthy addition to legal history and scholarship.

How should political community be seen in the context of European integration? This book combines a theoretical treatment of political allegiance with a study of ordinary citizens, examining how taxi-drivers in Britain, Germany and the Czech Republic talk politics and situate themselves relative to political institutions and other citizens.

Constitutional Rights after Globalization juxtaposes the globalization of the economy and the worldwide spread of constitutional charters of rights. The shift of political authority to powerful economic actors entailed by neo-liberal globalization challenges the traditional state-centred focus of constitutional law. Contemporary debate has responded to this challenge in normative terms, whether by reinterpreting rights or redirecting their ends, e.g. to reach private actors. However, globalization undermines the liberal legalist epistemology on which these approaches rest, by positing the existence of multiple sites of legal production, (e.g. multinational corporations) beyond the state. This dynamic, between globalization and legal pluralism on one side, and rights constitutionalism on the other, provides the context for addressing the question of rights constitutionalism's counterhegemonic potential. This shows first that the interpretive and instrumental assumptions underlying constitutional adjudication are empirically suspect: constitutional law tends more to disorder than coherence, and frequently is an ineffective tool for social change. Instead, legal pluralism contends that constitutionalism's importance lies in symbolic terms as a legitimating discourse. The competing liberal and 'new' politics of definition (the latter highlighting how neoliberal values and institutions constrain political action) are contrasted to show how each advances different agenda. A comparative survey of constitutionalism's engagement with private power shows that conceiving of constitutions in the predominant liberal, legalist mode has broadly favoured hegemonic interests. It is concluded that counterhegemonic forms of constitutional discourse cannot be effected within, but only by unthinking, the dominant liberal legalist paradigm, in a manner that takes seriously all exercises of political power.

Title 7 presents regulations governing the Office of the Secretary of Agriculture and forty subordinate departments and agencies. Regulated activities include: marketing services, food and consumer services, crop insurance, plant and animal inspection, agricultural research, natural resources, etc. Additions and revisions to this section of the code are posted annually by January. Publication follows within six months.

This book examines the subject of constitutional unamendability from comparative, doctrinal, empirical, historical, political and theoretical perspectives. It explores and evaluates the legitimacy of unamendability in the various forms that exist in constitutional democracies. Modern constitutionalism has given rise to a paradox: can a constitutional amendment be unconstitutional? Today it is normatively contested but descriptively undeniable that a constitutional amendment-one that respects the formal procedures of textual alteration laid down in the constitutional text-may be invalidated for violating either a written or unwritten constitutional norm. This phenomenon of an unconstitutional constitutional amendment traces its political foundations to France and the United States, its doctrinal origins to Germany, and it has migrated in some form to all corners of the democratic world. One can trace this paradox to the concept of constitutional unamendability. Constitutional unamendability can be understood as a formally entrenched provision(s) or an informally entrenched norm that prohibits an alteration or violation of that provision or norm. An unamendable constitutional provision is impervious to formal amendment, even with supermajority or even unanimous agreement from the political actors whose consent is required to alter the constitutional text. Whether or not it is enforced, and also by whom, this prohibition raises fundamental questions implicating sovereignty, legitimacy, democracy and the rule of law.

The debate on law, governance and constitutionalism beyond the state is confronted with new challenges. In the EU, confidence in democratic transnational governance has been shaken by the authoritarian and unsocial practices of crisis management. The ambition of this book, which builds upon many years of close co-operation between its contributors, is to promote a viable interdisciplinary alternative to these developments. "Conflicts-law constitutionalism" is a concept of transnational governance which derives democratic legitimacy from the supranational control of the external impact of national decision-making, on the one hand, and the co-operative responses to problem interdependencies on the other. The first section of the book contrasts Europe's new modes of economic governance and crisis management with the conditionality of international investments, and reflects upon the communalities and differences between emergency Europe and global exceptionalism. Subsequent sections substantiate the problematique of executive and technocratic rule, explore conflict constellations of prime importance in the fields of environmental and labour law, and discuss the impact and limits of liberalisation strategies. Throughout the book, European and transnational developments are compared and evaluated.

Recent controversies surrounding the war on terror and American intervention in Iraq and Afghanistan have brought rule of law rhetoric to a fevered pitch. While President Obama has repeatedly emphasized his Administration's commitment to transparency and the rule of law, nowhere has this resolve been so quickly and severely tested than with the issue of the possible prosecution of Bush Administration officials. While some worry that without legal consequences there will be no effective deterrence for the repetition of future transgressions of justice committed at the highest levels of government, others echo Obama's seemingly reluctant stance on launching an investigation into allegations of criminal wrongdoing by former President Bush, Vice President Cheney, Secretary Rumsfeld, and members of the Office of Legal Counsel. Indeed, even some of the Bush Administration's harshest critics suggest that we should avoid such confrontations, that the price of political division is too high. Measured or partisan, scholarly or journalistic, clearly the debate about accountability for the alleged crimes of the Bush Administration will continue for some time.

Using this debate as its jumping off point, When Governments Break the Law takes an interdisciplinary approach to the legal challenges posed by the criminal wrongdoing of governments. But this book is not an indictment of the Bush Administration; rather, the contributors take distinct positions for and against the proposition, offering revealing reasons and illuminating alternatives. The contributors do not ask the substantive question of whether any Bush Administration officials, in fact, violated the law, but rather the procedural, legal, political, and cultural questions of what it would mean either to pursue criminal prosecutions or to refuse to do so. By presuming that officials could be prosecuted, these essays address whether they "should."

When Governments Break the Law provides a valuable and timely commentary on what is likely to be an ongoing process of understanding the relationship between politics and the rule of law in times of crisis.

Contributors: Claire Finkelstein, Lisa Hajjar, Daniel Herwitz, Stephen Holmes, Paul Horwitz, Nasser Hussain, Austin Sarat, and Stephen I. Vladeck.

Church-State Constitutional Issues explores the often-debated and always topical issue of the relationship between church and state as outlined in the First Amendment. Donald L. Drakeman takes an interdisciplinary approach to examine the meaning of the establishment clause, demonstrating how the studies of law, religion, history, and political science provide insight into this relationship, which, since the nation's inception, has been difficult to define. The study first chronicles the Supreme Court's decision regarding the interpretation of the establishment clause from the early 19th century to the present. This legal history is subsequently viewed from a cultural perspective as Drakeman traces both the background of the First Amendment and how the relationship of church and state has developed on its journey through the court system. The volume moves towards further understanding of this complex issue as it concludes with a new interpretation of the establishment clause derived from previous information as well as further legal and political interpretive material.

This is a search of a model for a humane law - where the cruelty ban is still in force. This book however is not intended as an utopian enterprise; the humane law which is looked for is not for the future, nor is it meant as a reform project, or as a programme for new institutions to come. Here the contention is that positive law is better understood, if it is not too easily equated with power, force, or command. Law - it is shown - is more a matter of discourse and deliberation, than of sheer decision or of power relations. Constitutionalism, legal argumentation, legal ethics - three fundamental moments of our daily experience with the law - are there to witness that this view may be right. Now a constitutional view of the law and its practice and the connected discoursive approach to legal reasoning can offer interesting solutions also to legal ethics.

This book examines the structures of power and jurisdiction that operated in Tudor England. It explains what the institutions of central government were designed to do, and how they related to each other. It discusses how order and obedience were supposed to be preserved in the countryside, and it shows how the offices designed for that purpose worked in practice. In doing so, Professor Loades highlights the complex links between the formal and informal systems of peace-keeping that functioned throughout the country and examines the critical relationship between Church and State, providing readers with an important context for the social and political developments of the age.

The book shows the extent to which changes to the monarch's status affected his real power both within the Church and within his kingdom as a whole. It explores the tensions surrounding his position: the king administered the law, but he did not make it; he could claim revenue, but it had to be granted to him; he was head of the government and the Lords Annointed, but limited by innumerable customs and obligations. In unravelling the mysteries of this ancient and cumbersome system of government," Tudor Government" offers a valuable introduction to this complex yet pivotal aspect of early modern British history.

The European Community's successes and failures in guaranteeing the fundamental right to free movement of persons continue to develop against the backgrounds of domestic civil rights and international human rights obligations. Although often justified merely in terms of economic efficiency, non-discriminatory rights and freedoms of movement can be seen as constituting an essential component of the legal foundation of all European projects, and as a powerful force in the forging of a new European identity beyond the traditional nation-state.The present volume - a revised and updated edition of the important work first published in 2001 - provides a comprehensive, up-to-date overview of European law on the movement of persons. Its scope encompasses doctrinal basis, institutional framework, legal compliance, judicial development, and derogation on such grounds as security and health. The authors, both well-known experts in the field, comment extensively on matters including visas, free movement of workers, freedom of establishment for companies in the context of taxation, posted workers, harmonisation of professional qualifications, European citizenship, freedom to provide and receive services, agreements between the European Community and other states concerning free movement, and the rights of families and individuals to housing and education, as well as the increasingly important topic of the rights of third country nationals.In addition to providing analysis of the relevant provisions of the European Community Treaty as amended by subsequent treaties including the Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice, the book takes considerable account of all relevant secondary legislation and sometimes soft law, for example draft treaties, resolutions, and draft legislation. All of these perspectives - legislative and judicial, at domestic, EC and international levels - are here fully updated, with special attention to the far-reaching implications of the recent Residence Directive.In this new edition the authors clearly articulate what has been gained in recent years, and also consider what obstacles remain and what future developments might take place in this area of Community law. For these reasons and others, "Free Movement of Persons Within the European Community, Second Edition", will continue to be of great value to legal practitioners, officials of the EC and other economic unions, academics, and students as well as to the wider public interested in the process of European integration.

Title 7 presents regulations governing the Office of the Secretary of Agriculture and forty subordinate departments and agencies. Regulated activities include: marketing services, food and consumer services, crop insurance, plant and animal inspection, agricultural research, natural resources, etc. Additions and revisions to this section of the code are posted annually by January. Publication follows within six months.

This book delves into the legal traditions that relegated women to an inferior social and legal status worldwide. Winnie Hazou probes the nature of law, changes in legislation, and the trend of modern law toward a social engineering that effects gender equality. Hazou analyzes changes in major areas of women's lives, such as family, employment, and the acquisition of social power. She presents a global perspective of women's status and discusses international law aimed at eliminating the exploitation and abuse of women. The book highlights five countries, exploring the cultural basis for and social attitudes toward the position of women in each country. Students and scholars of women's studies will find this book a valuable resource.

The book concludes that both national and international law are slowly evolving into an effective tool for the elimination of discrimination against women. In spite of residual traditions, and beliefs across all cultures concerning gender roles, there is great institutional support in governments as well as the United Nations to elevate the status of women. This book combines the sociology of women and the sociology of law to give a global perspective on not only the current position of women but the changes that are occurring in their lives.