More than 300 million people in over 70 countries make up the worlds indigenous populations. Yet despite ever-growing pressures on their lands, environment and way of life through outside factors such as climate change and globalization, their rights in these and other respects are still not fully recognized in international law. In this incisive book, Laura Westra deftly reveals the lethal effects that damage to ecological integrity can have on communities. Using examples in national and international case law, she demonstrates how their lack of sufficient legal rights leaves indigenous peoples defenceless, time and again, in the face of governments and businesses who have little effective incentive to consult with them (let alone gain their consent) in going ahead with relocations, mining plans and more. The historical background and current legal instruments are discussed and, through examples from the Americas, Africa, Oceania and the special case of the Arctic, a picture emerges of how things must change if indigenous communities are to survive. It is a warning to us all from the example of those who live most closely in tune with nature and are the first to feel the impact when environmental damage goes unchecked.

The Crown, in its varied manifestations, is the principal landowner in England. It is active as occupier, landlord, seller, buyer, tenant and licensee and Crown bodies have a policy of positive management of their land. The Government Property Agency was formed in 2018 to rationalise the government estate, arranging for the disposal of surplus land, helping to relocate offices and advising generally in a way comparable to a commercial real estate company. Likewise the Crown Estate Commissioners and the Duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall constantly review their holdings to dispose of unsuitable investments in land and acquire new ones. Crown and Government Land: Prerogative, Statute and Common Law is an indispensable reference work for anyone interested in this complex area of law. The book sets out the general principles that govern the way the law applies to Crown land. It looks at the structure and constitution of the various authorities which manage that land, outlines the principal types of ownership, and discusses Crown immunity in relation to acts of Parliament. It describes the rules governing particular types of property such as minerals, forestry, the foreshore and sea bed, defence facilities and land of public interest including the royal parks and palaces. The book examines the application of equitable rights and trusts to Crown land and the right to ownerless property and discusses the special rules relating to Crown conveyancing and property litigation.

The Civil Rights Act of 1960 aimed to close loopholes in its 1957 predecessor that had allowed continued voter disenfranchisement for African Americans and for Mexicans in Texas. In early 1959, the newly seated Eighty-Sixth Congress had four major civil rights bills under consideration. Eventually consolidated into the 1960 Civil Rights Act, their purpose was to correct the weaknesses in the 1957 law. Mitchell's papers from 1959 to 1960 show the extent to which congressional resistance to the passage of meaningful civil rights laws contributed to the lunch counter sit-ins in Greensboro, North Carolina, and to subsequent demonstrations. The papers reveal how the repercussions of these events affected the NAACP's work in Washington and how, despite their dislike of demonstrations, NAACP officials used them to intensify the civil rights struggle. Among the act's seven titles were provisions authorizing federal inspection of local voter registration rolls and penalties for anyone attempting to interfere with voters on the basis of race or color. The law extended the powers of the US Commission on Civil Rights and broadened the legal definition of the verb to vote to encompass all elements of the process: registering, casting a ballot, and properly counting that ballot. Ultimately, Mitchell considered the 1960 act unsuccessful because Congress had failed to include key amendments that would have further strengthened the 1957 act. In the House, representatives used parliamentary tactics to stall employment protections, school desegregation, poll-tax elimination, and other meaningful civil rights reforms. The fight would continue. The Papers of Clarence Mitchell Jr. series is a detailed record of the NAACP leader's success in bringing the legislative branch together with the judicial and executive branches to provide civil rights protections during the twentieth century.

Bringing together scholars of migration and constitutional law, this volume analyses the problematic relationship between the rise of populism, restrictions of migrants' rights and democratic decay in Europe. By offering both constructive and critical accounts, it creates a nuanced debate on the possibilities for and limitations of legal resilience against populist erosion of migrants' rights. Crucially, it does not merely diagnose the causes of restrictions of migrants' rights, but also proposes how the law might be used as a solution. In this volume, the law is considered as both a source of resilience and part of the problem at three distinct levels: the legal-theoretical, the European, and the national level. It is a major contribution to the literature on migrants' rights, offering a nuanced account of how legal resilience might be used to safeguard migrants' rights against further erosion in populist times. This book is available as Open Access.

Human rights, despite being prone to serious obstacles, have garnered immense attention in the recent years. This book is an authoritative study of the recent trends and challenges of human rights in India, focusing on the advancement of judicial activism and gross violations of these rights by the government and private stakeholders. Covering a wide range of topics, Advancement of Human Rights in India: Contemporary and Emerging Challenges features critical discussions on the legal rights of women, children, forest tribes, disabled individuals, prisoners and other socially disadvantaged groups whose welfare is heavily neglected, and thus, needs urgent attention. This book also addresses contemporary debates on consular access, privacy, paternity leave and food security, among others. This book acknowledges progress in the fight for human rights and also presents possible solutions to the many difficulties that lie ahead.

Commonwealth Caribbean Administrative Law comprehensively explores the nature and function of administrative law in contemporary Caribbean society. It considers the administrative machinery of Caribbean States; Parliament, the Executive and the Judiciary. It then examines the basis for judicial review of executive and administrative action in the Caribbean by looking at the statutory provisions that underpin this and the plethora of case law emerging from the region. The book will also look to how the courts in the Commonwealth Caribbean have sought to define principles of administrative law. This book will also consider the alternative methods by which the rights of citizens are protected, including the use of tribunals and inquiries, as well as looking forward to the increasingly significant role of Caribbean Community law and bodies such as CARICOM and the OECS.

As the first woman to be appointed President of the UK Supreme Court, Brenda Hale was one of the UK's most high profile and influential judges, and she is among the most powerful women leaders of our time. For almost half a century, she pioneered as an educator, reformer, and decision-maker, leaving a distinct mark on the law and the lives of many. In commemoration of her recent retirement from the Supreme Court, this collection celebrates her long and illustrious career. Organised by thematic chapters and featuring original research from leading academics, judges and lawyers, this book offers a comprehensive account of Lady Hale's achievements and enduring impact. The contributors, many of whom were her peers and colleagues, demonstrate how Hale forged her own path within male-dominated institutions, carved a space for herself and others, and, ultimately, endeavoured to promote justice for everyone.

Although rights-based claims are diversifying and opportunities and resources for claims-making have improved, obtaining rights protections and catalysing social change in South Korea remain challenging processes. This volume examines how different groups in South Korea have defined and articulated grievances and mobilized to remedy them. It explores developments in the institutional contexts within which rights claiming occurs and in the sources of support available for utilizing different claims-making channels. Drawing on scores of original interviews, readings of court rulings and statutes, primary archival and digital sources, and interpretive analysis of news media coverage in Korean, this volume illuminates rights in action. The chapters uncover conflicts over contending rights claims, expose disparities between theory and practice in the law, trace interconnections among rights-based movements, and map emerging trends in the use of rights language. Case studies examine the rights of women, workers, people with disabilities, migrants, and sexual minorities.

Winner, 2020 Best Book Award, Law Category, given by the American Book Fest Examines immigration enforcement and discretion during the first eighteen months of the Trump administration Within days of taking office, President Donald J. Trump published or announced changes to immigration law and policy. These changes have profoundly shaken the lives and well-being of immigrants and their families, many of whom have been here for decades, and affected the work of the attorneys and advocates who represent or are themselves part of the immigrant community. Banned examines the tool of discretion, or the choice a government has to protect, detain, or deport immigrants, and describes how the Trump administration has wielded this tool in creating and executing its immigration policy. Banned combines personal interviews, immigration law, policy analysis, and case studies to answer the following questions: (1) what does immigration enforcement and discretion look like in the time of Trump? (2) who is affected by changes to immigration enforcement and discretion?; (3) how have individuals and families affected by immigration enforcement under President Trump changed their own perceptions about the future?; and (4) how do those informed about immigration enforcement and discretion describe the current state of affairs and perceive the future? Shoba Sivaprasad Wadhia pairs the contents of these interviews with a robust analysis of immigration enforcement and discretion during the first eighteen months of the Trump administration and offers recommendations for moving forward. The story of immigration and the role immigrants play in the United States is significant. The government has the tools to treat those seeking admission, refuge, or opportunity in the United States humanely. Banned offers a passionate reminder of the responsibility we all have to protect America's identity as a nation of immigrants.

In recent years, China, the US, and the EU and its Member States have either promulgated new national laws and regulations or drastically revised existing ones to exert more rigorous government control over inward foreign direct investment (FDI). Such government control pertains to the establishment of an ex-ante review regime of FDI in the host state in sectors that are considered as 'sensitive' or 'strategic', with an aim to mitigate the security-related implications. This book conducts a systematic and up-to-date comparative study of the national security review regimes of China, the US, and the EU, using Germany as an exampling Member State. It answers a central research question of how domestic law should be formulated to adequately protect national security of the host state whilst posing minimum negative impacts to the free flow of cross-border investment. In addition to analyzing the latest development of the national security review regimes in aforementioned jurisdictions and identifying their commonalities and disparities, this book establishes a normative framework regarding the design of a national security review regime in general and proposes specific legislative recommendations to further clarify the law. This book will be of interest to scholars in the field of international and comparative investment law, investors who seek better compliance programs in the host state, and policymakers who aim for high-quality regulation on foreign investment.

Chief Standing Bear of the Ponca Nation faced arrest for leaving the U.S. government's reservation, without its permission, for the love of his son and his people. Standing Bear fought for his freedom not through armed resistance but with bold action, strong testimony, and heartfelt eloquence. He knew he and his people had suffered a great injustice. Standing Bear wanted the right to live and die with his family on the beloved land of his Ponca ancestors, located within the Great Plains of Nebraska. In telling his story, Standing Bear's Quest for Freedom relates an unprecedented civil rights victory for Native Americans: for the first time, in 1879, a federal court declared a Native American to be a "person"-a human being with the right to file an action for a redress of grievances in a federal court, like every other person in the United States. Standing Bear's victory in Standing Bear v. Crook began a national movement of reforming Native American rights-albeit a slow one. Because of the courage and leadership of Chief Standing Bear, the pervasive spirit of indifference of most Americans toward Native Americans was disrupted by this historic decision. America would never be the same.

Why do authoritarian regimes survive? How do dictators fail? What role do political institutions play in these two processes? Many of the answers to these questions can be traced to the same source: the interaction between institutions and preferences. Using Egypt as a case study, Professor Mahmoud Hamad describes how the synergy between judges and generals created the environment for the present government and a delicate balance for its survival. The history of modern Egypt is one of the struggle between authoritarian governments, and forces that advocate for more democratic rights. While the military has provided dictatorial leaders, the judiciary provides judges who have the power to either support or stymie authoritarian power. Judges and Generals in the Making of Modern Egypt provides a historically grounded explanation for the rise and demise of authoritarianism, and is one of the first studies of Egypt's judicial institutions within a single analytical framework.

Speaking to today's flourishing conversations on both law, morality, and religion, and the religious foundations of law, politics, and society, Common Law and Natural Law in America is an ambitious four-hundred-year narrative and fresh re-assessment of the varied American interactions of 'common law', the stuff of courtrooms, and 'natural law', a law built on human reason, nature, and the mind or will of God. It offers a counter-narrative to the dominant story of common law and natural law by drawing widely from theological and philosophical accounts of natural law, as well as primary and secondary work in legal and intellectual history. With consequences for today's natural-law proponents and critics alike, it explores the thought of the Puritans, Revolutionary Americans, and seminal legal figures including William Blackstone, Joseph Story, Christopher Columbus Langdell, Oliver Wendell Holmes, and the legal realists.

In Badges and Incidents, Michael J. Kaufman undertakes an interdisciplinary investigation of American education law and pedagogy. By weaving together the invaluable insights of law, education, history, political science, economics, psychology, and neuroscience, this book illuminates the ways in which the design of the American educational system does not reflect how human beings live and learn. It examines the principles of the nation's Founders and demonstrates how a distorted presentation of the Founders' views curtailed the development of a truly democratic educational system. The influence of this distortion on several critical Supreme Court decisions is exposed, and these decisions have largely failed to facilitate the educational system the Founders envisioned. By placing contemporary challenges in context and endorsing social constructivist pedagogy as the best path forward, Kaufman's study will prove invaluable to advocates of equity in education, helping them navigate a contentious political climate with an eye toward future reform efforts.

When and how might the term genocide appropriately be ascribed to the experience of North American Indigenous nations under settler colonialism? Laurelyn Whitt and Alan W. Clarke contend that, if certain events which occurred during the colonization of North America were to take place today, they could be prosecuted as genocide. The legal methodology that the authors develop to establish this draws upon the definition of genocide as presented in the United Nations Genocide Convention and enhanced by subsequent decisions in international legal fora. Focusing on early British colonization, the authors apply this methodology to two historical cases: that of the Beothuk Nation from 1500-1830, and of the Powhatan Tsenacommacah from 1607-77. North American Genocides concludes with a critique of the Conventional account of genocide, suggesting how it might evolve beyond its limitations to embrace the role of cultural destruction in undermining the viability of human groups.

Museum staff--whether new to the field or working with collections for decades--are often overwhelmed by the complexities of acquiring cultural property, particularly antiquities and archaeological material. Collecting practices now require a greater degree of transparency and cooperation with various stakeholders than in the past, and are under greater scrutiny to be in line with current legal requirements and ethical expectations. This book provides a concise, unbiased, and practical resource for those tasked with navigating the complicated and rapidly changing legal and ethical landscape governing the acquisition of cultural property and archaeological material.

Museum staff--whether new to the field or working with collections for decades--are often overwhelmed by the complexities of acquiring cultural property, particularly antiquities and archaeological material. Collecting practices now require a greater degree of transparency and cooperation with various stakeholders than in the past, and are under greater scrutiny to be in line with current legal requirements and ethical expectations. This book provides a concise, unbiased, and practical resource for those tasked with navigating the complicated and rapidly changing legal and ethical landscape governing the acquisition of cultural property and archaeological material.

Argues that racial inequality reproduces itself automatically over time because early unfair advantage for whites has paved the way for continuing advantage This book is designed to change the way we think about racial inequality. Long after the passage of civil rights laws, blacks and Latinos possess barely a nickel of wealth for every dollar that whites have. Why have we made so little progress? Legal scholar Daria Roithmayr provocatively argues that racial inequality lives on because white advantage functions as a powerful self-reinforcing monopoly, reproducing itself automatically from generation to generation even in the absence of intentional discrimination. Drawing on work in antitrust law and a range of other disciplines, Roithmayr brilliantly compares the dynamics of white advantage to the unfair tactics of giants like AT&T and Microsoft. With penetrating insight, Roithmayr locates the engine of white monopoly in positive feedback loops that connect the dramatic disparity of Jim Crow to modern racial gaps in jobs, housing and education. Wealthy white neighborhoods fund public schools that then turn out wealthy white neighbors. Whites with lucrative jobs informally refer their friends, who refer their friends, and so on. Roithmayr concludes that racial inequality might now be locked in place, unless policymakers immediately take drastic steps to dismantle this oppressive system.

Instant New York Times Bestseller MSNBC legal commentator Elie Mystal thinks that Republicans are wrong about the law almost all of the time. Now, instead of talking about this on cable news, Mystal explains why in his first book. "After reading Allow Me to Retort, I want Elie Mystal to explain everything I don't understand-quantum astrophysics, the infield fly rule, why people think Bob Dylan is a good singer . . ." -Michael Harriot, The Root Allow Me to Retort is an easily digestible argument about what rights we have, what rights Republicans are trying to take away, and how to stop them. Mystal explains how to protect the rights of women and people of color instead of cowering to the absolutism of gun owners and bigots. He explains the legal way to stop everything from police brutality to political gerrymandering, just by changing a few judges and justices. He strips out all of the fancy jargon conservatives like to hide behind and lays bare the truth of their project to keep America forever tethered to its slaveholding past. Mystal brings his trademark humor, expertise, and rhetorical flair to explain concepts like substantive due process and the right for the LGBTQ community to buy a cake, and to arm readers with the knowledge to defend themselves against conservatives who want everybody to live under the yoke of eighteenth-century white men. The same tactics Mystal uses to defend the idea of a fair and equal society on MSNBC and CNN are in this book, for anybody who wants to deploy them on social media. You don't need to be a legal scholar to understand your own rights. You don't need to accept the "whites only" theory of equality pushed by conservative judges. You can read this book to understand that the Constitution is trash, but doesn't have to be.

The issue of apportionment is one of the most important problems facing citizens of most of the states in America. It underlies many other problems of state government. Growing judicial concern with apportionment is evidence of a failure of the political process in many states. A political solution to the problem requires better understanding and more accurate information about apportionment, which may be found in "The Politics of Reapportionment." Understanding the politics of apportionment may be broken down into four parts: What are the political factors that have caused the various states to follow differing courses in apportionment? What are the political consequences of these differences in apportionment? When a legislature is grappling with any reapportionment problem, what roles are played by the various political groups involved? What are the consequences of transferring this controversy out of the legislative arena? Jewell notes that a study of legislative apportionment is essential to an understanding of any representative system of government. In the U.S. the patterns of apportionment have vitally affected the nature of our state and national political institutions, and our political history has been marked by a number of colorful struggles over this issue. For these reasons, American political scientists have devoted more attention to apportionment than to many other problems of government.

The growth of peer-to-peer (P2P) accommodation has been remarkable. However, the rapid expansion of the phenomenon has yielded several concerns over its potentially negative economic, social and environmental impacts. These impacts are highlighted in policy agendas as an emerging problem encountered by many local communities in destinations experiencing a boom in P2P accommodation. Specifically, concerns have been raised over the impact of the growth of P2P accommodation on local housing markets, residents' well-being and the environment as a result of the touristification of residential areas. In fact, many observers accuse P2P accommodation of fuelling the 'overtourism' problem that several destinations face. This edited book addresses the need to examine the P2P accommodation phenomenon from a community resilience lens. In particular, through a collection of chapters presenting a range of empirical and conceptual perspectives from urban and rural communities, the book considers the implications of P2P accommodation growth on the resilience of local communities and the sustainable development of places. This book highlights: * The rapid growth of P2P accommodation yields economic, social and environmental negative impacts on destinations. * The P2P accommodation sector is evolving towards professionalization which, in turns, creates further implications for local community resilience. * This book draws attention towards the need to examine the nexus between P2P accommodation, sustainability and local community resilience. * The collection of chapters presents empirical and conceptual perspectives from urban and rural communities. * Chapters impart significant insights to policymakers, practitioners and academics in light of the COVID-19 pandemic.

In order to be effective, international tribunals should be perceived as legitimate adjudicators. European Consensus and the Legitimacy of the European Court of Human Rights provides in-depth analyses on whether European consensus is capable of enhancing the legitimacy of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). Focusing on the method and value of European consensus, it examines the practicalities of consensus identification and application and discusses whether State-counting is appropriate in human rights adjudication. With over 30 interviews from judges of the ECtHR and qualitative analyses of the case law, this book gives readers access to firsthand and up-to-date information, and provides an understanding of how the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg interprets the European Convention on Human Rights.

In this controversial and provocative book, Mary Anne Franks examines the thin line between constitutional fidelity and constitutional fundamentalism. The Cult of the Constitution reveals how deep fundamentalist strains in both conservative and liberal American thought keep the Constitution in the service of white male supremacy. Constitutional fundamentalists read the Constitution selectively and self-servingly. Fundamentalist interpretations of the Constitution elevate certain constitutional rights above all others, benefit the most powerful members of society, and undermine the integrity of the document as a whole. The conservative fetish for the Second Amendment (enforced by groups such as the NRA) provides an obvious example of constitutional fundamentalism; the liberal fetish for the First Amendment (enforced by groups such as the ACLU) is less obvious but no less influential. Economic and civil libertarianism have increasingly merged to produce a deregulatory, "free-market" approach to constitutional rights that achieves fullest expression in the idealization of the Internet. The worship of guns, speech, and the Internet in the name of the Constitution has blurred the boundaries between conduct and speech and between veneration and violence. But the Constitution itself contains the antidote to fundamentalism. The Cult of the Constitution lays bare the dark, antidemocratic consequences of constitutional fundamentalism and urges readers to take the Constitution seriously, not selectively.