Between 1900 and 1960, many writers in France and Britain either had parallel careers in diplomatic corps or frequented diplomatic circles: Paul Claudel, Albert Cohen, Lawrence Durrell, Graham Greene, John le Carre, Andre Malraux, Nancy Mitford, Marcel Proust, and others. What attracts writers to diplomacy, and what attracts diplomats to publishing their experiences in memoirs or novels? Like novelists, diplomats are in the habit of describing situations with an eye for atmosphere, personalities, and looming crises. Yet novels about diplomats, far from putting a solemn face on everything, often devolve into comedy if not outright farce. Anachronistic yet charming, diplomats take the long view of history and social transformation, which puts them out of step with their times - at least in fiction. In this collection of essays, eleven contributors reflect on diplomacy in French and British novels, with particular focus on temporality, style, comedy, characterization, and the professional liabilities attached to representing a state abroad. With archival examples as evidence, the essays in this volume indicate that modern fiction, especially fiction about diplomacy, is a response to the increasing speed of communication, the decline of imperial power, and the ceding of old ways of negotiating to new.

Contemporary, thoughtful and extensively illustrated, Modern Diplomacy examines a broad range of current diplomatic practice. This leading and widely used book - now in its fifth edition - equips students with a detailed analysis of important international issues that reflect and impact upon diplomacy and its relations. The subject is brought to life through case studies and examples which highlight the working of contemporary diplomacy within the international political arena.

Organised around five broad topic areas, including the nature of diplomacy, diplomatic methods, negotiation, the operation of diplomacy in specific areas and international conflict, the book covers all major topic areas of contemporary diplomacy.

New features for this edition:

Developments in diplomatic practice

Strategies in diplomacy

International trade, geopolitics and agreements

Diplomacy of new regional organisations and groupings

Developing country diplomacy

Non-traditional diplomacy

New concepts – parallel and counter diplomacy

New case studies include: the Paris Climate Agreement, Brexit, international finance and trade agreements, and the UN security forces.

Modern Diplomacy is essential reading for students and practitioners of international relations, foreign policy, international law, international political economy, international economics, the Foreign Services Institutes and the National Diplomatic Academies.

Table of Contents

1. The Changing Nature of Diplomacy

2. Foreign Policy Organisation

3. Diplomatic Methods

4. Negotiation

5. Developing Diplomatic Practice

6. Groups and Networks

7. Regional Organisations and Diplomacy

8. Cyber Diplomacy

9. International Financial Relations

10. Trade, Foreign Policy and Diplomacy

11. Environmental Diplomacy

12. Environmental Diplomacy: Case Examples

13. Disaster and Emergency Diplomacy

14. Diplomacy and Security

15. Diplomacy and Mediation

16. The Diplomacy of Normalisation

17. Diplomatic Correspondence: Case Examples

18. International Treaties

19. International Agreements: Case Examples

20. Paris Agreement

Conclusion

The 1949 Geneva Conventions are the most important rules for armed conflict ever formulated. To this day they continue to shape contemporary debates about regulating warfare, but their history is often misunderstood. For most observers, the drafters behind these treaties were primarily motivated by liberal humanitarian principles and the shock of the atrocities of the Second World War. This book tells a different story, showing how the final text of the Conventions, far from being an unabashedly liberal blueprint, was the outcome of a series of political struggles among the drafters. It also concerned a great deal more than simply recognizing the shortcomings of international law revealed by the experience of war. To understand the politics and ideas of the Conventions' drafters is to see them less as passive characters responding to past events than as active protagonists trying to shape the future of warfare. In many different ways, they tried to define the contours of future battlefields by deciding who deserved protection and what counted as a legitimate target. Outlawing illegal conduct in wartime did as much to outline the concept of humanized war as to establish the legality of waging war itself. Through extensive archival research and critical legal methodologies, Preparing for War establishes that although they did not seek war, the Conventions' drafters prepared for it by means of weaving a new legal safety net in the event that their worst fear should materialize, a spectre still haunting us today.

Why do states often fail to cooperate, using transboundary natural resources inefficiently and unsustainably? Benvenisti examines the contemporary international norms and policy recommendations that could provide incentives for states to cooperate. His approach is multi-disciplinary, proposing transnational institutions for the management of transboundary resources. Although global water policy issues seem set to remain a cause for concern for the foreseeable future, this study provides a new approach to the problem of freshwater, and will interest international environmentalists and lawyers, international relations scholars and practitioners.

This book provides an international legal analysis of the most important questions regarding Iran's nuclear program since 2002. Setting these legal questions in their historical and diplomatic context, this book aims to clarify how the relevant sources of international law - including primarily the 1968 Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty and IAEA treaty law - should be properly applied in the context of the Iran case. It provides an instructional case study of the application of these sources of international law, the lessons which can be applied to inform both the on-going legal and diplomatic dynamics surrounding the Iran nuclear dispute itself, as well as similar future cases. Some questions raised regard the watershed diplomatic accord reached between Iran and Western states in July, 2015, known as the Joint Comprehensive Program of Action. The answers will be of interests to diplomats and academics, as well as to anyone who is interested in understanding international law's application to this sensitive dispute in international relations.

This survey draws upon the statements and actions of the executive, legislative and judicial branches of the U.S. government. Topics include diplomatic and consular relations, jurisdiction and immunities, state responsibility and liability, international organizations, international economic law and human rights. Containing extracts from hard-to-find documents, generous citations to relevant sources, tables of cases and treaties, and a detailed index, this essential tool for researchers and practitioners is the first in a series of similar volumes.

Since the dissolution of the former U.S.S.R., twelve countries are now confronted with the task of defining their attitudes and policies towards the central means for law-making in the international community: the treaty. This comparative commentary on the law of treaties includes full texts in an original, authoritative translation of relevant legislation. It also contains informed commentary on every article in the laws, and an extensive classified bibliography.

In this work the author explores the subjects of sovereignty, diplomacy and the function of diplomats, diplomatic missions, protocol, ethics in diplomacy, the role of Ministries of Foreign Affairs, intergovernmental conferences and the United Nations.

It:

• includes a useful glossary of over sixty essential terms (such as Calvo Doctrine, Extradition, Rapporteur and Uti Possidetis Juris)
• clearly relates the conduct of diplomacy to the principles of international law.

New in paperback, this volume will appeal to graduate and undergraduate students studying diplomacy, public administration and international relations courses as well as practising diplomats, international organization and foreign ministry officials and those who have regular dealings with them.

Effective diplomacy remains fundamental to the conduct of international relations in the twenty-first century, as we seek to define and manage a challenging new world order peacefully. New Perspectives on Diplomacy examines the implications of the shifting international landscape upon how states interact with one another. Reflecting on the significant changes to the system of states over the past 50 years, including the end of the Cold War, the rise of transnational networks, challenges to borders, growth in national populism and the increasing difficulties presented to diplomats by radical transparency, the first volume presents the global context against which contemporary diplomacy is conducted.

The granting of diplomatic asylum to Julian Assange, the dangers faced by diplomats in troublespots around the world, WikiLeaks and the publication of thousands of embassy cable - situations like these place diplomatic agents and diplomatic law at the very centre of contemporary debate on current affairs. Diplomatic Law in a New Millennium brings together 20 experts to provide insight into some of the most controversial and important matters which characterise modern diplomatic law. They include diplomatic asylum, the treatment (and rights) of domestic staff of diplomatic agents, the inviolability of correspondence, of the diplomatic bag and of the diplomatic mission, the immunity to be given to members of the diplomatic family, diplomatic duties (including the duty of non-interference), but also the rise of diplomatic actors which are not sent by States (including members of the EU diplomatic service). This book explores these matters in a critical, yet accessible manner, and is therefore an invaluable resource for practitioners, scholars and students with an interest in diplomatic relations. The authors of the book include some of the leading authorities on diplomatic law (including a delegate to the 1961 conference which codified modern diplomatic law) as well as serving and former members of the diplomatic corps.

Diplomatic interference carries considerable potential for disruption. In this context, diplomats have been accused of insulting behaviour, the funding of political parties, incitement to terrorism and even attempts to topple the host government. Reactions can be harsh: expulsions are common and, occasionally, diplomatic relations are severed altogether. But an evaluation under international law faces challenges. Often enough, charges of interference are made when legitimate interests are involved - for instance, when diplomats criticise the human rights record of their hosts. In such cases, diplomats may be able to invoke grounds which are recognised under international law. On the basis of more than 300 cases of alleged diplomatic interference and the practice of about 100 States and territories, Diplomatic Interference and the Law provides an examination of the main areas in which charges of meddling have arisen - such as lobbying activities, contacts with the opposition, propaganda, the use of threats and insults and the granting of asylum. It analyses situations in which the sovereignty of the receiving State meets competing interests and offers solutions which avoid a conflict of norms. It concludes with useful advice for foreign offices and diplomatic agents and underlines the most efficient ways of dealing with situations of alleged interference. ''A book that is here to stay! It is essential reading for diplomats, academics, journalists, students and everyone who has an interest in international law and justice. Based on rigorous research, Paul Behrens' book offers new and thoughtful perspectives on the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations which we drafted in 1961. It demonstrates just how important it is to have a lawyer of his impartiality and integrity if we want to reach peaceful and lasting solutions in international relations. Diplomatic Interference and the Law has the makings of an instant classic, and I have no doubt that it will pave the way for the sorely needed reform of diplomatic law.'' Dr Nelson Iriniz Casas, Vice President of the Committee of the Whole of the Vienna Conference on Diplomatic Relations in 1961; former Head of the diplomatic missions of Uruguay to Austria, Czechoslovakia, Hong Kong, Denmark and Sweden; author of Corrupcion en la ONU. ''Dr Behrens's book rigorously analyses the legal doctrine of non-interference by diplomats in their hosts' internal affairs, and how it may conflict with legal obligations to combat, for example, denial of self-determination and breaches of human rights. Exhaustively researched and in accessible language, with copious, often entertaining examples, it will be an indispensable guide for diplomats. "Behrens on diplomatic interference" will be cited as the definitive authority on the matter for the foreseeable future. I recommend this book to diplomats, lawyers and the general reader: they will all read and refer to it with profit and immense pleasure.'' Sir Brian Barder KCMG, BA (Cantab.), is a former British ambassador to Ethiopia, Benin and Poland and High Commissioner to Nigeria and Australia. ''Paul Behrens' book breaks new ground. It is the first study to focus on the vexed question of diplomatic 'meddling' in the domestic affairs of the receiving State. It has heightened topicality as many Western governments in their concern to promote human rights and democracy urge their diplomats to be active in their support of civil society, particularly in countries with authoritarian governments. This book is replete with case studies covering the 50 years since the signature of the Vienna Convention and provides an invaluable pathway through this legal minefield.'' Sir Ivor Roberts KCMG FCIL, President of Trinity College, Oxford; Former British Ambassador to Yugoslavia, Ireland and Italy

In October 1998, General Augusto Pinochet, former dictator of Chile, was arrested in London. He had been charged with crimes against humanity by a Spanish magistrate, but over the 16 months that Pinochet was detained, equally intriguing questions went unanswered about his links with Britain. Why was Margaret Thatcher so keen to defend the General? Why was Tony Blair's usually cautious government prepared to have him arrested? And why was Britain the General's favourite foreign country? Andy Beckett offers a compound of history, investigation and travelogue that unravels this strange story.

This book, in its effort to formulate compatibility between Islamic law and the principles of international diplomatic law, argues that the need to harmonize the two legal systems and have a thorough cross-cultural understanding amongst nations generally with a view to enhancing unfettered diplomatic cooperation should be of paramount priority.

The legal position in international law of heads of states and other senior state representatives is at the heart of the conflict thrown up by recent changes in the international legal order. The establishment of the International Criminal Court and the ad hoc criminal tribunals reflects a growing belief that heads of states and other senior state representatives should be held accountable for serious violations of international law. It is now questioned whether foreign states and their officials still have immunity from proceedings concerning grave human rights abuses in national courts.
This book provides a comprehensive treatment of this key issue, covering both civil and criminal proceedings before domestic courts and the position before international courts and tribunals. The positions of both serving and former heads of states are examined and, where appropriate, so is that of their family members. The wide variety of constitutional forms and titles enjoyed by heads of states and senior state representatives is considered and their internationally relevant powers and functions outlined. The implications of recognition or lack of it are assessed, together with the practical and legal consequences of loss of office and/or exile in a foreign state. In examining the position of heads of state and other senior representatives in foreign states, attention is given to the question of immunities before the local courts, and to other privileges, protections, and courtesies to which they may be entitled.
The book draws a distinction between the personal immunity (ratione personae) enjoyed by heads of states which derive from their status or office, and the official act immunity (ratione materiae) enjoyed by all state officials. It closely examines the relationship between state immunity as it has developed under the restrictive doctrine and the immunities to which individuals are entitled. Careful consideration is given to separate regimes of international immunities such as special missions.This systematic analysis of the legal position of heads of states takes into account the history of the subject, relevant state practice (judicial and legislative), the impact of relevant international treaties, and international judicial or arbitral decisions on the matter.

This is a study of the principal negotiating processes and law-making tools through which contemporary international law is made. It does not seek to give an account of the traditional - and untraditional - sources and theories of international law, but rather to identify the processes, participants and instruments employed in the making of international law. It accordingly examines some of the mechanisms and procedures whereby new rules of law are created or old rules are amended or abrogated. It concentrates on the UN, other international organizations, diplomatic conferences, codification bodies, NGOs, and courts.
Every society perceives the need to differentiate between its legal norms and other norms controlling social, economic and political behaviour. But unlike domestic legal systems where this distinction is typically determined by constitutional provisions, the decentralized nature of the international legal system makes this a complex and contested issue. Moreover, contemporary international law is often the product of a subtle and evolving interplay of law-making instruments, both binding and non-binding, and of customary law and general principles. Only in this broader context can the significance of so-called 'soft law' and multilateral treaties be fully appreciated.
An important question posed by any examination of international law-making structures is the extent to which we can or should make judgments about their legitimacy and coherence, and if so in what terms. Put simply, a law-making process perceived to be illegitimate or incoherent is more likely to be an ineffective process. From this perspective, the assumption of law-making power by the UN SecurityCouncil offers unique advantages of speed and universality, but it also poses a particular challenge to the development of a more open and participatory process observable in other international law-making bodies.

Interest in international law has increased greatly over the past decade, largely because of its central place in discussions such as the Iraq War and Guantanamo, the World Trade Organisation, the anti-capitalist movement, the Kyoto Convention on climate change, and the apparent failure of the international system to deal with the situations in Palestine and Darfur, and the plights of refugees and illegal immigrants around the world. This Very Short Introduction explains what international law is, what its role in international society is, and how it operates. Vaughan Lowe examines what international law can and cannot do and what it is and what it isn't doing to make the world a better place. Focussing on the problems the world faces, Lowe uses terrorism, environmental change, poverty, and international violence to demonstrate the theories and practice of international law, and how the principles can be used for international co-operation.

EU Diplomatic Law provides a thorough analysis of the interactions between the European Union (EU) and international diplomatic and consular law. Over the past six decades, the EU has been granted unique powers that enable it to act prominently on the international plane, thereby developing a worldwide bilateral and multilateral diplomatic network. Much like states, the EU sends ambassadors to all corners of the world and accredits permanent missions at its Brussels' headquarters. These developments shake the foundations of diplomatic and consular law, as these branches of international law are based on the principles of state sovereignty, non-interference, and reciprocity. Traditional conceptions of international law only allow states to perform diplomatic and consular functions, leaving little room for non-state entities such as the EU. Sanderijn Duquet addresses this fundamental problem by re-visiting the foundations of diplomatic and consular law, as well as analysing EU practice in initiating, conducting, and terminating diplomatic and consular relations. In particular, she focuses on the scope of EU diplomatic and consular powers, especially in relationship to its member states; its application of the Vienna Conventions and customary international law; the EU's use of creative legal techniques; the diplomatic and consular protection of EU citizens; questions of protocol and precedence; and the legal status of the EU's diplomatic staff and premises abroad. By critically analysing these issues, this book assesses the specific contribution the EU makes to the shaping of diplomatic and consular law.

By departing from accounts of a universalist component in Israel's early foreign policy, Rotem Giladi challenges prevalent assumptions on the cosmopolitan outlook of Jewish international law scholars and practitioners, offers new vantage points on modern Jewish history, and critiques orthodox interpretations of the Jewish aspect of Israel's foreign policy. Drawing on archival sources, the book reveals the patent ambivalence of two jurist-diplomats-Jacob Robinson and Shabtai Rosenne-towards three international law reform projects: the right of petition in the draft Human Rights Covenant, the 1948 Genocide Convention, and the 1951 Refugee Convention. In all cases, Rosenne and Robinson approached international law with disinterest, aversion, and hostility while, nonetheless, investing much time and toil in these post-war reforms. The book demonstrates that, rather than the Middle East conflict, Rosenne and Robinson's ambivalence towards international law was driven by ideological sensibilities predating Israel's establishment. In so doing, Jews, Sovereignty, and International Law disaggregates and reframes the perspectives offered by the growing scholarship on Jewish international lawyers, providing new insights concerning the origins of human rights, the remaking of postwar international law, and the early years of the UN.

This book explores the large and controversial subject of the use of force in international law. It examines not only the use of force by states but also the role of the UN in peacekeeping and enforcement action, and the increasing role of regional organizations in the maintenance of international peace and security. The UN Charter framework is under challenge. Russia's invasion of Georgia and intervention in Ukraine, the USA's military operations in Syria, and Saudi Arabia's campaign to restore the government of Yemen by force all raise questions about the law on intervention. The 'war on terror' that began after the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the USA has not been won. It has spread far beyond Afghanistan: it has led to targeted killings in Pakistan, Somalia, and Yemen, and to intervention against ISIS in Iraq and Syria. Is there an expanding right of self-defence against non-state actors? Is the use of force effective? The development of nuclear weapons by North Korea has reignited discussion about the legality of pre-emptive self-defence. The NATO-led operation in Libya increased hopes for the implementation of 'responsibility to protect', but it also provoked criticism for exceeding the Security Council's authorization of force because its outcome was regime change. UN peacekeeping faces new challenges, especially with regard to the protection of civilians, and UN forces have been given revolutionary mandates in several African states. But the 2015 report Uniting Our Strengths reaffirmed that UN peacekeeping is not suited to counter-terrorism or enforcement operations; the UN should turn to regional organizations such as the African Union as first responders in situations of ongoing armed conflict.

Based on an analysis of the diplomatic practice of states, and decisions by national and international courts, this book explores the different meanings of the term 'recognition' and its variants in international law. It is an important contribution to the current literature because so little has been written in this field in recent years. The author analyzes the effect of recognition on the legal status of foreign authorities, particularly of those authorities in exile which are recognized as a government. In so doing, he covers material which is of significant historical interest, as well as highly topical material such as recent developments in Angola, Kuwait and Haiti. Thus Talmon's book will hold great appeal for international law scholars and practitioners alike.

This book explores the large and controversial subject of the use of force in international law. It examines not only the use of force by states but also the role of the UN in peacekeeping and enforcement action, and the increasing role of regional organizations in the maintenance of international peace and security. The UN Charter framework is under challenge. Russia's invasion of Georgia and intervention in Ukraine, the USA's military operations in Syria, and Saudi Arabia's campaign to restore the government of Yemen by force all raise questions about the law on intervention. The 'war on terror' that began after the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the USA has not been won. It has spread far beyond Afghanistan: it has led to targeted killings in Pakistan, Somalia, and Yemen, and to intervention against ISIS in Iraq and Syria. Is there an expanding right of self-defence against non-state actors? Is the use of force effective? The development of nuclear weapons by North Korea has reignited discussion about the legality of pre-emptive self-defence. The NATO-led operation in Libya increased hopes for the implementation of 'responsibility to protect', but it also provoked criticism for exceeding the Security Council's authorization of force because its outcome was regime change. UN peacekeeping faces new challenges, especially with regard to the protection of civilians, and UN forces have been given revolutionary mandates in several African states. But the 2015 report Uniting Our Strengths reaffirmed that UN peacekeeping is not suited to counter-terrorism or enforcement operations; the UN should turn to regional organizations such as the African Union as first responders in situations of ongoing armed conflict.

This book offers a juristic exposition and analysis of diplomatic protection as an institution of public international law. Diplomatic protection is primarily exercised by States towards their nationals, and exceptionally non-nationals, against violations of international law by other States, and is one of the oldest traditions of international law. The book starts with a history of the subject, and charts the development of diplomatic protection conceived as an institution of international law. It goes on to discuss the violations of international law which can trigger diplomatic protection, arrangements which are excluded from this type of protection, conflicts of interests underlying the principle and how these can be resolved, and the influence of human rights on the area. Subsequent chapters look at attempts to codify the law of diplomatic protection, and offer a critical examination of this in the light of modern policy considerations, and the recent work of the Int Law Commission. The book concludes with an assessment of recent changes in the law and the importance of these from the point of view of the individual.

COVID-19 is the most severe pandemic the world has experienced in a century. This book analyses major legal and regulatory responses internationally to COVID-19, and the impact the pandemic has had on human rights and freedoms, governance, the obligations of states and individuals, as well the role of the World Health Organization and other international bodies during this time. The authors examine notable legal challenges to public health measures enforced during the pandemic, such as lockdown orders, curfews, and vaccine mandates. Importantly, the book contextualizes the legal analysis by examining the broader social and economic dimensions of risks posed by the pandemic. The book considers how COVID-19 impacted the operation of the criminal justice system, civil litigation concerning negligently caused deaths and business losses arising from contractual breaches, consumer protection litigation, disciplinary regulation of health practitioners, coronial inquests and other investigations of unexpected deaths, and occupational health and safety issues. The book reflects on the role of the law in facilitating the remarkable scientific and epidemiological achievements during the pandemic, but also the challenges of ensuring the swift production and equitable distribution of treatments and vaccines. It concludes by considering the possibilities that the legal and regulatory responses to this pandemic have illuminated for effectively tackling future global health crises.

By examining the great economic and political transformations of our time, Juan Luis Manfredi-Sanchez reveals how cities and their hinterlands have become part of globalisation. The global city has joined the group of actors who develop diplomatic, political and communicative action in a manner that is de facto and lawful. Thus, the city is involved in the formulation of foreign policy at the same time that it proposes its own political agenda, which may or may not be aligned with its own country. The city thereby becomes a source of innovation in the field of diplomacy. The Covid-19 pandemic is accelerating the political and diplomatic role of cities, which have become epicentres of prevention and response in the face of this public health crisis.

In The Geopolitics of Cyberspace: A Diplomatic Perspective, Riordan explores the extent to which the key concepts of classical and critical Geopolitics can be applied to cyberspace, and how they might explain the behaviour of key state and non-state actors. Case studies seek to apply both kinds of geopolitical analysis to the US, Russia, China, the EU and internet companies, discussing what it can tell us about their past and future behaviour. Riordan then explores the implications for both the theory and, especially, the practice of diplomacy in relationship to cyberspace. He argues that foreign ministries and diplomatic services need to reform both their culture and structures to engage successfully with the challenges posed by cyberspace. Underlying the article is an attempt to rescue both diplomacy and geopolitics from popular usages that risk emptying both concepts of meaning.