Why are some multiethnic countries more prone to civil violence than others? This book examines the occurrence and forms of conflict in multiethnic states. It presents a theory that explains not only why ethnic groups rebel but also how they rebel. It shows that in extremely unequal societies, conflict typically occurs in non-violent forms because marginalized groups lack both the resources and the opportunities for violent revolt. In contrast, in more equal, but segmented multiethnic societies, violent conflict is more likely. The book traces the origins of these different types of multiethnic states to distinct experiences of colonial rule. Settler colonialism produced persistent stratification and far-reaching cultural and economic integration of the conquered groups, as, for example, in Guatemala, the United States, or Bolivia. By contrast, in decolonized states, such as Iraq, Pakistan, or Sri Lanka, in which independence led to indigenous self-rule, the colonizersa adivide and rulea policies resulted in deeply segmented post-colonial societies. Combining statistical analyses with case studies based on original field research in four different countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America, Vogt analyzes why and how colonial legacies have led to peaceful or violent ethnic movements.

We are now living in a world where Brexit and Trump are daily realities. But how did this come about? And what does it mean for the future?

Populism and ultra-nationalism brought about the rise of Hitler and Mussolini in the 1930s. Now, as Trump sits in the White House, Britain negotiates its way out of the EU, and countries across Europe see substantial gains in support for the extreme Right, award-winning journalist, author, and historian Gwynne Dyer asks how we got here, and where we go next.

Dyer examines the global challenges facing us all today and explains how they have contributed to a world of inequality, poverty, and joblessness, conditions which he argues inevitably lead to the rise of populism. The greatest threat to social and political stability, he argues, lies in the rise of automation, which will continue to eliminate jobs, whether politicians admit that it is happening or not. To avoid a social and political catastrophe, we will have to find ways of putting real money into the pockets of those who have no work.

But this is not a book without hope. Our capacity for overcoming the worst has been tested again and again throughout history, and we have always survived. To do so now, Dyer argues, we must embrace radical solutions to the real difficulties facing individuals, or find ourselves back in the 1930s with no way out.

This volume is the result of a conference held by the Asan Institute for Policy Studies in November, 2011. Organized in the aftermath of the crisis presented by the triple disaster that struck the Tohoku region of Japan on March 11 of the previous year: an earthquake, a tsunami, and a nuclear meltdown. The conference had as its overarching theme 'Japan in Crisis: What Will It Take for Japan to Rise Again?' Authors began by addressing the question of what it would take for Japan to 'recover' from not only from 3/11 but also more than 20 years of nearly unilateral economic stagnation, political fumbling, and deterioration in the country's regional and global influence.The Asan Institute for Policy Studies is an independent think tank located in Seoul, South Korea, that provides innovative policy solutions and spearheads public discourse on many of the core issues that Korea, East Asia, and the global community face. The goal of the institute is not only to offer policy solutions but also to train experts in public diplomacy and related fields in order to strengthen Korea's capacity to better tackle some of the most pressing problems affecting the country, the region and the world today.

Having celebrated its 70th year of independence in 2018, Sri Lanka, a strategically-positioned island nation, now finds itself with the potential to be a super connector in fast-developing Asia. While carving out a place for itself in the international arena, Sri Lanka has simultaneously had to look inwards to recover and rebuild its potential, bruised by an era of colonial rule and nearly 30 years of a civil war, with two youth insurrections.This book examines these twin dimensions. First, how Sri Lanka is negotiating its international reach and the spheres of influence that extend from other Asian and world powers, and second, how the country is engaging in nation-building, from days of racial riots to ones of peace-building, reconciliation, more robust governance, and the development of cyber security.Written from the perspective of a Sri Lankan academic and the head of the national security think tank, this book offers insights into how the country has addressed its post-conflict as well as geopolitical challenges, navigated through domestic politics, and ramped up peace-building efforts, to now reach a junction where it can put its foot firmly on the road to prosperity in a new Asian world order.

This book seeks to develop our understanding of the contemporary geopolitical reconfigurations of two regions of the world system with high cultural affinity and traditional close relations: Latin America and Europe. Relations between Latin America and Europe have been interpreted generally in the social sciences as synonyms of interstate relations. However, although States remain the most important actor in the geopolitical scene, they have been deeply reconfigured in recent decades, impacted by transnational dynamics, politics and spaces. This book highlights interregional relations and transnational dynamics between Latin America and Europe from a critical geopolitics perspective, promoting a new look for interregional relations which encompasses international cooperation and development, global policies, borders, inequalities and social movements. It brings attention to the relevance of interregionalism in the current geopolitical reconfiguration of the world system, but also argues for systematic inclusion of relevant new social actors and imaginaries in this traditional sphere of states. These social actors, particularly social movements and practices of contestation, are developing not only "international" bonds but a new "transnational" field, where networks defy traditional territorial orders. This volume seeks to generate a new discussion among scholars of geopolitics, international relations, social theory and social movement studies by encouraging a development of an interregional and transnational perspective of the two regions.

This volume focuses on the influence that borders in the Middle East can have on actors' identity building, as well as how local, national, or transnational actors re/ define borders and boundaries. The Middle East is facing a political crisis, revealed by the Arab uprisings, that is affecting states' borders in a paradoxical way: while local, communal, or tribal dissent tends to contest international borders, states are trying to affirm their control over national territory in building border fences. Focusing on borders in their materiality as well as their symbolic dimensions - their representations - may help with reappraising the region's own history, the local/national specificities, as well as regional/ global constraints affecting borderlands and those who cross borders; be they workers, migrants, or jihadists. In this book, six case studies will provide insights on state- community relationships through the lens of border issues in the Levant and the Gulf. The theoretical framework provided by the border studies conceptual tools allows authors to delve into the process of bordering, de- bordering, and re- bordering which is affecting the region, raising questions on sovereignty, authority, and the political legitimacy of the regimes. This book was originally published as a special issue of Geopolitics.

This books surveys the evolution of the international order in the quarter century since the end of the Cold War through the prism of developments in key regional and functional parts of the 'liberal international order 2.0' (LIO 2.0) and the roles played by two key ordering powers, the United States and the People's Republic of China. Among the partial orders analysed in the individual chapters are the regions of Europe, the Middle East and East Asia and the international regimes dealing with international trade, climate change, nuclear weapons, cyber space, and international public health emergencies, such as SARS and ZIKA. To assess developments in these various segments of the LIO 2.0, and to relate them to developments in the two other crucial levels of political order, order within nation-states, and at the global level, the volume develops a comprehensive, integrated framework of analysis that allows systematic comparison of developments across boundaries between segments and different levels of the international order. Using this framework, the book presents a holistic assessment of the trajectory of the international order over the last decades, the rise, decline, and demise of the LIO 2.0, and causes of the dangerous erosion of international order over the last decade.

This volume identifies and evaluates the relationship between outer-space geography and geographic position (astrogeography), and the evolution of current and future military space strategy. In doing so, it explores five primary propositions. First, many classical geopolitical theories of military development are fully compatible with the realm of outer space. Second, how geographical position relates to new technology. Such evolution has developed through sea, rail and air power. Space power is the logical and apparent heir. Third, the special terrain of solar space dictates specific tactics and strategies for efficient exploitation of space resources. Fourth, the concept of space as a power base in classical, geopolitical thought will easily conform to the use of outer space as an ultimate national power base. Finally, a thorough understanding of the astromechanical and physical demarcations of outer space can prove useful to planners, and will prove critical to military strategists in the future. An optimum deployment of space assets will be essential on the current terrestrial and future-based battlefield.

This book offers insight into the use of empirical diffusionist models for analysis of cross-cultural and cross-national communication, translation and adaptation of the United Nation's (UN) Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The book looks at three social analytical instruments of particular utility for the cross-national study of the translation and diffusion of global sustainable development discourses in East Asia (China and Japan). It explains the underlying hypothesis that, in the transmission and adaptation of global SDGs in different national contexts, three large groups of social actors encompassing sources of information, mediating actors and socio-industrial end-users form, shape and contribute to the complex, latent networks of social engagement. It illuminates how the distribution within these networks largely determines the level and breadth of the diffusion of global SDGs and their associated environmentalist norms. This book is an essential read for anyone interested in sustainable growth and development, as well as global environmental politics.

For many observers, today's world seems indecipherable. The Earth is in such jeopardy that some scientists speak of a new accelerated geological era. The resurgence of barbarism and terrorism in the name of religion is seen as a historical regression.At the same time, waves of technological innovations are constantly surging, particularly in the fields of energy and information - sources of economic, ecological and social transformations. These advances point to an accelerated evolution of the human being.Never has the present been subjected to such a tectonic shock between its future and its past, the consequences of which seem difficult to foresee and can sometimes be distressing.Between naive belief in the unlimited benefits of technology and resignation to the cycle of calamities, there is room to build a global governance aiming at organising a geopolitical order to derive the best of the human experience. This book opens us to a better understanding of our times.

For many observers, today's world seems indecipherable. The Earth is in such jeopardy that some scientists speak of a new accelerated geological era. The resurgence of barbarism and terrorism in the name of religion is seen as a historical regression.At the same time, waves of technological innovations are constantly surging, particularly in the fields of energy and information - sources of economic, ecological and social transformations. These advances point to an accelerated evolution of the human being.Never has the present been subjected to such a tectonic shock between its future and its past, the consequences of which seem difficult to foresee and can sometimes be distressing.Between naive belief in the unlimited benefits of technology and resignation to the cycle of calamities, there is room to build a global governance aiming at organising a geopolitical order to derive the best of the human experience. This book opens us to a better understanding of our times.

A sense of order has irreversibly retreated at the turn of the twenty-first century with the rise of such ancient civilizations as China and India and the militant resurgence of Islamic groups. The United States and like-minded states want to maintain the once-dominant international and global order buttressed by a set of mainly Western value systems and institutions. Nevertheless, challengers have sought to redraw the international and global order according to their own ideas and preferences, while selectively accommodating and taking advantage of the established order. Because of this, the entire world is teetering on the brink of an order war. This book is a synthesis of two separate bodies of thoughts, from Western and East Asian ideas and philosophies respectively. The authors deploy the major ideas of key Western and East Asian thinkers to shed a new light on their usefulness in understanding the transition of global order. They locate new ideas to overcome the contradictions of the late modern world and provide some ideational building blocks of a new global order. The new concepts proposed are: recognition between the great civilizations; a harmony and floating balance between and within contrasts-individual versus community, freedom versus equality-;and mediation between friends and foes. As the former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin put it, "you don't need to make peace with your friends, you have to make peace with your foes." The values of the West as well as that of the East cannot survive in a globalized world by taking them as absolute, but only by balancing them to those of the other great civilizations of the world.

For a long time, India and China have been seen as the rising economic giants on the Asiatic mainland. Studies of the conflicts which have plagued the borderlands of India and China however have tended to only analyse individual case studies without attempting to compare and contrast the situation in these conflicts. This book compares and contrasts the situation in India's disputed borderlands - Kashmir and the Indian north eastern states - with China's contested borderlands - Xinjiang and Tibet. The book looks at the root causes of the conflict and how these conflicts have evolved and changed their character with the passage of time. Analysing how the countries have dealt with their territorial disputes from the 50's till more recent times, the author shows to what extent these state policies have exacerbated the already strained situation. Using primary data collected primarily through interviews, from the people/inhabitants of these conflict zones, the book throws new light on the problem. This bottom up approach allows the people to speak and provides a different understanding of the nature of the conflict, which may very well be the way forward for long lasting peace. A comparative study of the conflicts in the contested borderlands of China and India, the book will be of interest to scholars studying Asian security studies and Asian Politics particularly and Defence and Security Studies more generally.

There are important changes in regional and global demographics ahead of us. A profound rise in the number of citizens in the Indian Ocean Region in the next fifty years will have significant impacts on the state, on the nature and operation of markets and the neo-liberal framework they operate in, and raise new challenges for regional security. This book considers the insufficient dialogue between ever increasing and closer connections between geo-economics and geo-securities in the Indian Ocean Region, and highlights some of the challenges. This book takes a broader understanding of security than what is usually meant in more traditional security frameworks in politics and international relations. Economic and politics are integrally, and obviously, related. This book considers regional themes such as discourses around strategic competition; models of regional cooperative security; Indian Ocean Region domestic economies/ contexts and the military industrial complex; and regional models of identity and cultural belonging. Regions and regionalisms are increasingly being used to challenge power, and the existence of any uniform model of macro-politics and macro-economics (whether it be neo-liberalism or otherwise). Most importantly, these discussions of region enable us to celebrate the similarities that we share as neighbours (in a real geographical sense) and to comprehend and respect these differences in these rich regional communities of markets, cultures, and securities. This book was previously published as a special issue of the Journal of the Indian Ocean Region.

Written as EU-Russia relations began their swift decline as a result of the Ukrainian crisis, this book examines the nature of these two actors' relationship in respect of their Partnership for Modernisation. The contributing authors look at modernisation through different lenses applying varying methodologies, delivering: historical analysis, economic analysis, levels-of-analysis debate, which brings along transnational, transgovernmental and intergovernmental relations and interrelations between the EU and its member states, discourse analysis, new institutionalism as well as policy analysis. The authors each identify the importance of modernisation for Russia, demonstrating why, despite the current state of relations between Moscow and Brussels, modernisation remains relevant for EU-Russian relations. At the same time, the plurality of the chapters shows the complexity of the relationship that will have to be taken into account in order to overcome the current crisis and construct sustainable and mutually beneficial relations.

Hitherto, the organization of international business has been studied mostly from a managerial point of view or by examining the relationship between firms and the economy. Yet, the development of the modern, multinational firm - the most important type of business organisation - has been strongly influenced by the conflicts that bedeviled the twentieth century. The volatile macroeconomic and political environments experienced by international business point to how important it is to study political risk. Consequently, Multinational Enterprise, Political Risk and Organisational Change: From Total War to Cold War breaks new ground: it argues that non-market elements and historical context are key to understanding the way international business has been organised. This edited volume offers an historical approach to analysing how multinational enterprise has developed over time and around the world, through a series of well-crafted chapters, on important topics in international economic and business history, written by authorities in their respective fields of study and research. The study is based on the underlying premise that the coming of the two World Wars, the devastating and long-term consequences of such total wars, and the ideological challenge of the Cold War acted as a pivot points in shaping the nature and character of multinational firms. By examining such phenomena, this study offers insights to anyone who has an interest in business, economic or political history, management and business studies, or international relations.

This book focuses on a region that, next to the Middle East, has become a dragnet of international conflicts in the world. The South China Sea (SCS) region, furthermore, is the subject over which a rumored war may break out between the United States, the extant superpower, and China, an emergent superpower - should the current power transition end up in a Thucydides Trap. The volatility of the situation has gone beyond the long simmering tensions due to overlapping claims by six contending Asian neighbors, to culminate in a nascent crisis surrounding the US-China contest.The book's broad sweep provides a careful examination of two tangles: (i) a legal tangle bedeviling China's relations with other competing claimant nations, and (ii) a geopolitical tangle at the heart of the US-China contest, arising from America's instinctual response to the China-threat scare trumpeted by neorealist analysts and media gurus as well. The book reviews what general international law has to say on 'historic waters', which is the basis of China's claim, in its disputes with its contending neighbors. It also examines the background of the China-threat scare, to see if it has any merit, in light of both the shifts in the running China debate and the evidence of China's might and intentions.The book's final part explores a possible way out of the two tangles, in the interest of arriving at a reconciliation of the tensions and conflicts associated with the SCS, so that the United States and China can meet each other across the divide for the sake of a new era of public order, presumably under a condominium they can build together.

Following successive international legal verdicts, Bangladesh is now an accredited maritime state. Possessing a spacious territorial sea and an extended continental shelf, with a maritime zone almost equalling its land borders, a 'window of opportunity' has opened for the country to realise its developmental aspirations. Yet, it faces numerous challenges, many of which are entwined. This book is a detailed analysis of Bangladesh's maritime strategy. It charts the country's maritime legacies, including disputes with both Myanmar and India and analyses the contributions of the leadership in the maritime territorial gains. The author examines Bangladesh's need to consolidate these newly reclaimed gains, whilst exploring the unremitting interest of major global power players in maintaining maritime resource exploitation, navigation and security. Finally, the author demonstrates how the country needs to embrace the notional principles of sustainable development of its ocean economy to utilize its resources and how it has since been coming to grips with the emerging concept of "blue economy" to enhance its enduring national development. The first systematic study on Bangladesh's maritime policy and the country's importance in the emerging geopolitical rivalry in the Indian Ocean, this book will be of interest to academics in the field of South Asian and Indian Ocean politics.

Islands and their environs - aerial, terrestrial, aquatic - may be understood as intensifiers, their particular and distinctive geographies enabling concentrated study of many kinds of challenges and opportunities. This edited collection brings together several emerging and established academics with expertise in island studies, as well as interest in geopolitics, governance, adaptive capacity, justice, equity, self-determination, environmental care and protection, and land management. Individually and together, their perspectives provide theoretically useful, empirically grounded evidence of the contributions human geographers can make to knowledge and understanding of island places and the place of islands. Nine chapters engage with the themes, issues, and ideas that characterise the borderlands between island studies and human geography and allied fields, and are contributed by authors for whom matters of place, space, environment, and scale are key, and for whom islands hold an abiding fascination. The penultimate chapter is rather more experimental - a conversation among these authors and the editor - while the last chapter offers timely reflections upon island geographies' past and future, penned by the first named professor of island geography, Stephen Royle.

Energy security has emerged as one of the most important contemporary geopolitical issues. Access to reliable, cheap energy has become essential to the functioning of modern economies but the uneven distribution of energy supplies has led to perceptions of significant Western vulnerability. At the same time, many in the West have become wary of China's re-emergence as a major power in global politics, with its impact on Western foreign policies and potential threat to Western energy security. This book offers fresh insights into the rise of China as a global superpower and the ways in which its rise is perceived to threaten Western energy security, engaging specifically with how the idea of the China threat has emerged in popular discourse. The author questions how recent US foreign policy has sought to position China as an antagonist to Western energy interests and explores how this image has become the dominant understanding of China by the West. Rather than treating these issues as given, which orthodox approaches tend to do, this book analyses the discursive relationship between US identity, foreign policy and energy security, which leads to a more nuanced and critical understanding of perceptions of China's potential threat to Western energy security. Filling an important gap in the emerging corpus of research on energy security, this book will be particularly valuable to students and scholars of Politics, International Relations and Chinese Studies.

Nationalism and ethnicity have become, across time and space, a force in the construction of boundaries. This book analyses geographical and physical borders and symbolic, political and socio-economic boundaries, and how they impact upon nationalism and ethnic identity. Geographic and other tangible borders are critical components in the making and unmaking of boundaries. However, symbolic or intangible boundaries along national, ethnic, political or socio-economic criteria are equally significant. Organised into three sections on theory, national and transnational case studies, this book both introduces existing approaches to the study of boundaries and illustrates how it is possible to apply renewed boundary approaches to better understand nationalism and ethnicity in contemporary contexts. Expert contributors in the field present detailed case studies on the UK, Israel, Estonia, Latvia, Ukraine and Kazakhstan, and draw upon further examples from more than a dozen countries to provide a critical evaluation of the use of borders, boundaries and boundary-making in the study of nationalism and ethnicity. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of International Politics, Nationalism, Racial and Ethnic Politics, Ethnic Identity and Sociology.

The South China Sea Disputes: Historical, Geopolitical and Legal Studies covers various issues regarding the currently controversial theme of the South China Sea (SCS) disputes. It contains insights by scholars mostly from Republic of China (Taiwan), along with ones from Peoples' Republic of China (mainland China), the Philippines, Australia, and the United States (US).The book is divided into three sections, wherein the historical analysis section illustrates certain important but currently neglected treaties for SCS, e.g., the San Francisco Peace Treaty, the Taipei Treaty, and the Cairo Declaration. In particular, the Nationalist government's efforts to recover the Chinese sovereignty in the islands of SCS after the end of World War II are covered. Archival research found in the national archives of the Taiwan, the United Kingdom, the US, and Japan, revealing materials with potential for enhancing territorial and sovereignty claims is covered. In addition, the US State Department historical materials on the SCS disputes are also shown.The geopolitical analysis section in the book specifically addresses the state practice in SCS by Taiwan. It also reveals Taiwan's evolving attitudes from thoughtful planning to perfunctory policy thereof. The circumstances of US-China rivalry in the SCS are also discussed.The legal analysis section includes an explanation of the arbitral award of the SCS, wherein it argues that this arbitration is a non-justiciable dispute resolution. This book serves as a good reference for readers interested in South China Sea disputes.

Since the opening up of China in 1979, the country had experienced phenomenal economic growth over the decades and overtook Japan as the second-largest economy in 2010. With the establishment of a conservative administration led by Shinzo Abe in December 2012 and Xi Jinping's ascendance to power as the General Secretary of China's ruling party a month earlier, the two countries intensified their commitments in aid to Sub-Saharan Africa. Surveying the Japanese and Chinese aid in Sub-Saharan Africa, this book examines the two Asian giants' policies and achievements in past decades and discusses future directions of their aid initiatives. Japan and China: A Contest in Aid to Sub-Saharan Africa is recommended for those interested in understanding East Asian international relations and contemporary aid trends and issues in Sub-Saharan Africa.

"Damned if you do; damned if you don't" voices the strategic impasse the USA finds itself in today. Liberal interventionism and globalization-the two pillars of the international system-seem not to work. Explaining the inability of Western powers to enact wise initiatives, Corradi explores the de-coupling of political systems: we are connected with each other but disconnected from policy makers. The paradox of increased connectivity and collective disengagement sets a perverse dynamic between publics and elites, with a serious impact on world affairs. Corradi analyzes the social bases of present dilemmas and how incipient decline can be managed, and paralysis overcome.

This book examines Australian foreign policy in multiple dimensions: diplomatic, military, economic, legal and scientific. It shows how the instruments of statecraft have defended domestic concentrations of wealth and power across the 230-year span of modern Australian history. The pursuit of security has meant much more than protection from invasion. It gives priority to economic interests, and to a political order that secures them. This view of security has deep roots in Australia's geopolitical tradition. Australia began its existence on the winning side of a worldwide confrontation. The book shows that the 'organizing principle' of Australian foreign policy is to stay on the winning side of the global contest. Australia has pursued this principle in war and peace, using the full arsenal of diplomacy, law, investment, research, negotiations, military force and espionage. This book uses many decades of secret files to reveal the inner workings of high-level policy.