This book, first published in 1994, provides a comprehensive treatment of a crucial set of geopolitical issues from a region where political developments are observed with great care and some trepidation by the rest of the world. Based on expert analysis by leading researchers, the book is the first English-language to deal collectively with the origins and contemporary status of land and maritime boundaries in the Gulf and Arabian Peninsula. The 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait was the gravest challenge yet posed to the system of small states established by Britain during its stay as a protecting power along the western Gulf littoral. Immediately, questions were raised about the origins of these tiny emirates: How had this territorial framework evolved? What was its raison d'etre? How capable was this framework of withstanding serious internal and external upheaval such as that caused by the Iraqi invasion? This book reviews these and related concerns from a variety of informed perspectives: those of the boundary-maker himself, the international lawyer, the oil economist, and the political and historical geographer. The origins of the region's framework of state territory are carefully scrutinised, as are the region's borders and the contemporary disputes over their status. The period following the first Gulf War has witnessed an increase in the prevalence of Arabian territorial disputes. Some ae new, such as Saudi-Qatar, but most are established cyclical affairs. Although a complete explanation for these developments is premature, they have occurred as states in the region have been making clear moves to finalise the framework of Arabian state territory; only the Saudi-Yemen border remains indeterminate, albeit the subject of current negotiations. The book begins with a major scene-setting chapter by Richard Schofield. This is followed by chapters containing expert insights into the relationship between territory and indigenous notions of sovereignty, Britain's role in drawing Arabian territorial limits (including a contribution from someone who drew up some of its boundaries), Iran-Kuwait disputes in particular, maritime boundaries, the hydrocarbon dimension, and concepts of shared political space. With many newly-drawn maps based on original research, this volume stands alone as a comprehensive reader on an issue that plays a dominant part in the regional geopolitics of the Gulf and Arabian Peninsula.

"The book is highly impressive in its range, integrating such issues as the impact of the Cuban missile crisis into its account of Franco-American relations and the implications for France's position in Europe. It is also impressive in its command of intricate detail in the technical, economic sphere and in high-level negotiations, as well as in behind-the-scenes maneuvers taking place in parallel to more overt diplomacy." . French Studies

"Sutton's important work has the merit of making known a whole range of French historiography that, because of not being available in English translation, is not accessible to scholars who do not read French. At the same time, he brings together, in an original manner, the main results of historical research on the role of France in Europe, a theme that is of vital importance still today." . Modern & Contemporary France

" The author] has written an excellent chronicle of the central episodes of European construction, from the invention of the ECSC to the Maastricht Treaty and beyond, keeping French initiatives, breakthroughs, and missteps clearly in view. He has also made the more recondite economic complexities of the story intelligible to general readers. As a result, Sutton has produced an important overview of European integration that highlights the influence French leaders exerted in building what by the 1990s had become the fundamental structures of the European Union we know today." . H-France

"Sutton has a feel both for the ongoing manoeuvres of the main protagonists and for the continuities of the broad picture. He keeps the context constantly in geopolitical focus, drawing upon a wide range of reliable secondary sources. His] scrupulous study will allow both protagonists and antagonists to recognize why the European show is still on the road, but now arouses fears rather than hopes." . European History Quarterly

."an excellent overall view." . Georges-Henri Soutou

In the second half of the twentieth century France played the greatest role - even greater than Germany's - in shaping what eventually became the European Union. By the early twenty-first century, however, in a hugely transformed Europe, this era had patently come to an end. This comprehensive history shows how France coupled the pursuit of power and the furtherance of European integration over a sixty-year period, from the close of the Second World War to the hesitation caused by the French electorate's referendum rejection of the European Union's constitutional treaty in 2005.

Michael Sutton is Professor Emeritus, Modern History and International Relations, at Aston University. He has written regularly on France for The Economist Intelligence Unit - part of The Economist newspaper group - since 1985, and worked in Brussels from 1973 to 1993 monitoring European Community developments. He is also a specialist in twentieth-century French political thought and philosophy."

The term 'Indo-Pacific' is being used increasingly in the global strategic/geo-political discourse in recent years. The rise of China as an economic giant and a rising military power has led to the consequent shift of international politics and relations to Asia as the fulcrum. It has turned the whole region of Indo-Pacific as one security complex. Countries that are part of the region but also countries that are adjacent or outside the region, but also the countries adjoining the oceans look for a mechanism in accordance with a rule-based order. International law that would protect the rights of the nations to pursue global commons was emphasized. This timely volume presents a collection of articles by leading scholars on the subject from the region. It addresses the faultlines of both traditional and non-traditional security issues. Military modernization, especially of the naval forces of a number of powers, national ambitions of power projection, and plans to build ports in strategic locations are exacerbating insecurity and greater arms race. It also poses the question, whether the Indo-Pacific region will become a theatre of tension and instability, or a contributor to peace and prosperity for the larger populations that reside herein? Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

This book brings together scholars from across a variety of academic disciplines to assess the current state of the subfield of popular geopolitics. It provides an archaeology of the field, maps the flows of various frameworks of analysis into (and out of) popular geopolitics, and charts a course forward for the discipline. It explores the real-world implications of popular culture, with a particular focus on the evolving interdisciplinary nature of popular geopolitics alongside interrelated disciplines including media, cultural, and gender studies.

Cross-Border Resource Management, Third Edition covers theoretical and analytical issues relating to cross-border resource management. This book holistically explores issues when two entities share a border, such as sovereign countries, dependent states and others, where each seeks to maximize their political and economic interests regardless of impacts on the environment. This new edition has been completely revised to reflect current issues, with new cases from North America and Europe and discussions and issues regarding air and space. Users will find a single resource that explores the many facets of managing and utilizing natural resources when they extend across defined borders.

The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Economic Geography presents students and researchers with a comprehensive overview of the field, put together by a prestigious editorial team, with contributions from an international cast of prominent scholars. * Offers a fully revised, expanded, and up-to-date overview, following the successful and highly regarded Companion to Economic Geography published by Blackwell a decade earlier, providing a comprehensive assessment of the field * Takes a prospective as well as retrospective look at the field, reviewing recent developments, recurrent challenges, and emerging agendas * Incorporates diverse perspectives (in terms of specialty, demography and geography) of up and coming scholars, going beyond a focus on Anglo-American research * Encourages authors and researchers to engage with and contextualize their situated perspectives * Explores areas of overlap, dialogues, and (potential) engagement between economic geography and cognate disciplines

We live in the era of the knowledge-based economy, and this has major implications for the ways in which states, cities and even supranational political units are spatially planned, governed and developed. In this book, Sami Moisio delves deeply into the links between the knowledge-based economy and geopolitics, examining a wide range of themes, including city geopolitics and the university as a geopolitical site. Overall, this work shows that knowledge-based "economization" can be understood as a geopolitical process that produces territories of wealth, security, power and belonging. This book will prove enlightening to students, researchers and policymakers in the fields of human geography, urban studies, spatial planning, political science and international relations.

The first English-language book to focus on northeast Sino-Russian border economies, Trust and Mistrust in the Economies of the China-Russia Borderlands examines how trans-border economies function in practice. The authors offer an anthropological understanding of trust in juxtaposition to the economy and the state. They argue that the history of suspicion and the securitised character of the Sino-Russian border mean that trust is at a premium. The chapters show how diverse kinds of cross-border business manage to operate, often across great distances, despite widespread mistrust.

China's Arctic Ambitions and What They Mean for Canada is an in-depth studies of China's increasing interest in the Arctic. It offers a holistic approach to understanding Chinese motivations and the potential impacts of greater Chinese presence in the circumpolar region, exploring resource development, shipping, scientific research, governance, and security. Drawing on extensive research in Chinese government documentation, business and media reports, and current academic literature, this timely volume eschews the traditional assumption that Chinese actions are unified and monolithic in their approach to Arctic affairs. Instead, it offers a careful analysis of the different, and often competing, interests and priorities of Chinese government and industry. Analyzing Chinese interests and activities from a Canadian perspective, the book provides an unparalleled point of reference to discuss the implications for the Canadian and broader circumpolar North.

This volume provides an in-depth analysis of the attempts of language experts and governments to control language use and development in Eastern Europe, Eurasia and China through planned activities generally known as language planning or language policy. The ten case studies presented here examine language planning in China, Russia, Tatarstan, Central Asia, Ukraine, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, and focus in particular on developments and disputes that have occurred since the 'fall of communism' and the emergence of a new order in the late 1980s. Its authors highlight the dominant issues with which language planning is invariably intertwined. These include power politics, tensions between 'official language' and 'minority languages', and the effects of a country's particular political, social, cultural and psychological environment. Offering a detailed account of the socio-political and ideological developments that underlie language planning in these regions, this book will provide a valuable resource for students and scholars of linguistics, cultural studies, political science, sociology and history.

Former Secretary of State and CIA Director Mike Pompeo spearheaded the Trump Administration's most significant foreign policy breakthroughs. Now, he reveals how he did it, and how it could happen again. Mike Pompeo is the only person ever to have served as both America's most senior diplomat and the head of its premier espionage agency. As the only four-year national security member of President Trump's Cabinet, he worked to impose crushing pressure on the Islamic Republic of Iran, avert a nuclear crisis with North Korea, deliver unmatched support for Israel, and bring peace to the Middle East. Drawing on his commitment to America's founding principles and his Christian faith, his efforts to promote religious freedom around the world were unequaled in American diplomatic history. Most importantly, he led a much-needed generational transformation of America's relationship with China. Blending remarkable and often humorous stories of his interactions with world leaders and unmatched analysis of geopolitics, Never Give an Inch tells of how Pompeo helped the Trump Administration craft the America First approach that upended Washington wisdom-and made him America's enemies' worst nightmare. It is a raw account of what it took to deliver winning outcomes in the face of a progressive activist media, partisan conspiracies, two impeachments and endless investigations, and the COVID-19 pandemic. Complete with a road map of the trends and players shaping the world today, Never Give an Inch is more than a historical review of the Trump Administration's greatest victories. It is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand the challenges of the future. And it is an inspirational story of leadership through dangerous times that will leave you with a greater appreciation for America.

This edited book reflects the 'yin-yang' of East Asia - the analogy of co-existing 'hot and cold' trends in that region. To concentrate only on geopolitical competition and regional 'hot spots' will exaggerate, if not misrepresent East Asia as a Hobbesian world. Nevertheless, geopolitical competition cannot be ignored because a failure of the balance of power and deterrence between China and the United States (and its allies) will destabilise the region. There are four 'vectors' in the geopolitics of East Asia: China rising, the United States 'rebalancing' to this region, Japan 'normalising' as a nation-state and ASEAN emerging as a regional community. The interplay of these four 'vectors' will set the trajectory of geopolitics in East Asia. Another focus of this volume is on the politics of identity. The distinctiveness, character and flavour of a group, real or imagined, can be 'cool'. 'Cool' as in being charming and appealing transcends national boundaries. Plurality and diversity of identities and cultures in East Asia can be a celebration of life and humanity. However, xenophobic identities, often based on exclusive race, language, religion and hegemony, and its subsequent politicisation can rend a nation apart. Indeed, the affirmation of one's identity may be at the expense or denial of the identity of 'the other'. Similarly, the assertion and the intricacy of identity and nationalism in East Asia can also be problematic. However, a person or group can have multiple and different scales of identities. Indeed, identities can be fluid and situational.

Networked Selves is an original analysis of one of the most defining cultural features of our time: how people turn to the Web to construct a public self. It examines the trajectory of a practice that embodies this sociocultural shift in fundamental ways: blogging. The book traces the evolution of the Web as a means to publicly perform a self through an analysis of the emergence, development, and transformation of blogging from the mid-1990s to the early years of the 2010s. It discusses processes that have shaped practices of subjectivity on the Web over two decades in two countries: the United States and France. Through this comparative analysis, the book shows that the cultural identity of blogging as a practice of subjectivity in these countries is neither inevitable nor neutral. Instead, it demonstrates that the development of the Web required the forging of various articulations between specific conceptions of self, publicness, and technology. These articulations were responses to both transformations in the daily life of actors and larger economic, political, and cultural processes-notably neoliberalization. The book also explains how the cultural imaginary around blogs came into being in the United States and how it has also functioned as a model for actors in other countries, such as France. Networked Selves discusses how and why actors in the technology field in France have gradually abandoned traditional makers of exceptionalism that were key in the development of the country's national identity and favored notions that characterize the United States instead.

Combined with the US pivot to Asia, NATO enlargement could press Russia and a rising China into a tighter alliance--but with Russia playing the role of a junior partner. This book argues for bringing Russia, Ukraine, and Turkey into a new Euro-Atlantic confederation, not only in order to draw Moscow away from forging a closer military relationship with Beijing but also to help revitalize a Europe in crisis. Concurrently, Washington and Moscow need to work together to prevent disputes between North and South Korea, Japan, and China, as well as between Israel, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Iran from exploding into a major power war.

We are now living in a world where Brexit and Trump are daily realities. But how did this come about? And what does it mean for the future?

Populism and ultra-nationalism brought about the rise of Hitler and Mussolini in the 1930s. Now, as Trump sits in the White House, Britain negotiates its way out of the EU, and countries across Europe see substantial gains in support for the extreme Right, award-winning journalist, author, and historian Gwynne Dyer asks how we got here, and where we go next.

Dyer examines the global challenges facing us all today and explains how they have contributed to a world of inequality, poverty, and joblessness, conditions which he argues inevitably lead to the rise of populism. The greatest threat to social and political stability, he argues, lies in the rise of automation, which will continue to eliminate jobs, whether politicians admit that it is happening or not. To avoid a social and political catastrophe, we will have to find ways of putting real money into the pockets of those who have no work.

But this is not a book without hope. Our capacity for overcoming the worst has been tested again and again throughout history, and we have always survived. To do so now, Dyer argues, we must embrace radical solutions to the real difficulties facing individuals, or find ourselves back in the 1930s with no way out.

China has forty major transboundary watercourses with neighbouring countries, and has frequently been accused of harming its downstream neighbours through its domestic water management policies, such as the construction of dams for hydropower. This book provides an understanding of water security in Asia by investigating how shared water resources affect China's relationships with neighbouring countries in South, East, Southeast and Central Asia. Since China is an upstream state on most of its shared transboundary rivers, the country's international water policy is at the core of Asia's water security. These water disputes have had strong implications for China's interstate relations, and also influenced its international water policy alongside domestic concerns over water resource management. This book investigates China's policy responses to domestic water crises and examines China's international water policy as well as its strategy in dealing with international cooperation. The authors describe the key elements of water diplomacy in Asia which demonstrate varying degrees of effectiveness of environmental agreements. It shows how China has established various institutional arrangements with neighbouring countries, primarily in the form of bilateral agreements over hydrological data exchange. Detailed case studies are included of the Mekong, Brahmaputra, Ili and Amur rivers.

..".a fascinating and penetrating study .Fischer presents a nuanced analysis of Alsatian responses and shows how they were frequently contested, discontinuous, and even contradictory. General readers as well as scholars of France and Germany and those interested in problems of regionalism, nationalism, identity, memory, and cultural formation will find Alsace for the Alsatians? immensely beneficial and a pleasure to read." . Vernon L. Lidtke, Johns Hopkins University

" A] wonderfully broad and at the same time an impressive in-depth study...Fischer blends cultural and political history in exemplary ways. The strong interlinkages between regionalism and Catholicism in Alsace is powerfully highlighted by Fischer's narrative." . Stefan Berger, Professor of Modern German and Comparative European History, University of Manchester

The region of Alsace, located between the hereditary enemies of France and Germany, served as a trophy of war four times between 1870-1945. With each shift, French and German officials sought to win the allegiance of the local populace. In response to these pressures, Alsatians invoked regionalism-articulated as a political language, a cultural vision, and a community of identity-not only to define and defend their own interests against the nationalist claims of France and Germany, but also to push for social change, defend religious rights, and promote the status of the region within the larger national community. Alsatian regionalism however, was neither unitary nor unifying, as Alsatians themselves were divided politically, socially, and culturally. The author shows that the Janus-faced character of Alsatian regionalism points to the ambiguous role of regional identity in both fostering and inhibiting loyalty to the nation. Finally, the author uses the case of Alsace to explore the traditional designations of French civic nationalism versus German ethnic nationalism and argues for the strong similarities between the two countries' conceptions of nationhood.

Christopher J. Fischer received both his Masters and Doctorate degrees from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. He currently is an Assistant Professor at Indiana State University.

Recipient of the Fritz Stern Prize awarded by the German Historical Institute and the Friends of the German Historical Institute."

This book explores Australia's role as a US client state and the subsequent consequences for Australian democracy. Examining whether neoliberal and neoconservative interests have hijacked democracy in Australia, Paul questions whether further de-democratisation will advance US economic and military interests.

This important new book offers an engaging and challenging introduction to the thorny paths of the globalization debate.

New conventional wisdom posits that the public in democracies is inattentive but not really ignorant nor easily swayed, and indeed quite consistent and thoughtful when it comes to national security and foreign policy issues.This volume builds on such a claim to study the attributes and impacts of public opinion on foreign and national security policy in six democracies: Taiwan, South Korea, Israel, Ukraine, Finland and West Germany. These countries face acute and sustained national security challenges posed by stronger authoritarian regimes close by, namely China, North Korea, the Arab nations, Russia and the Soviet Union. Given potential existential threats to their democracies, the public is typically tuned in, and in sorting out their policy stands, is mindful that the fundamental values of identity, sovereignty and prosperity may be jeopardized. Public opinion can indeed constrain statecraft here in these democracies ensnared in asymmetric dyads.Many have studied public opinion and national security in democracies, but few have studied national security strategy of weak powers confronting great powers. This volume is the first attempt to examine this topic. The approach here is a comparative rather than country-specific study combining qualitative and quantitative research methods to enrich our understanding of the complexity and intrigues of the interplay between public opinion and national security under the condition of regime asymmetry. The wealth of data and careful examination of various issues from different theoretical approaches makes this volume an essential guide for courses and research in comparative foreign policy, international relations and democratic processes.

What kind of a world is one in which border security is understood as necessary? How is this transforming the shores of politics? And why does this seem to preclude a horizon of political justice for those affected? Border Security responds to these questions through an interdisciplinary exploration of border security, politics and justice. Drawing empirically on the now notorious case of Australia, the book pursues a range of theoretical perspectives - including Foucault's work on power, the systems theory of Niklas Luhmann and the cybernetic ethics of Heinz Von Foerster - in order to formulate an account of the thoroughly constructed and political nature of border security. Through this detailed and critical engagement, the book's analysis elicits a political alternative to border security from within its own logic: thus signaling at least the beginnings of a way out of the cost, cruelty and devaluation of life that characterises the enforced reality of the world of border security.

The 21st century has been characterized by great turbulence, climate change, a global pandemic, and democratic decay. Drawing on post-structural political theory, this book explores two dominant concepts used to make sense of our disturbed reality: the state and the network. The book explains how they are inextricably interwoven, while showing why they complicate the way we interpret our present. In seeking a better understanding of today's world, this book argues that we need to pull apart the familiar lines of our maps. By looking beneath and across these lines, an 'unmapping' presents new insights and opportunities for a better future.

Contrary to prior expectations, Narendra Modi has expended a significant amount of time, energy and political capital in conducting India's engagement with the outside world since becoming Prime Minister in May 2014. In accordance with wider perceptions about Modi, there were expectations of significant, if not radical, change in Indian foreign policy under his charge. This sentiment led to a section of Indian strategists and foreign policy watchers conceiving the notion of a 'Modi Doctrine' in Indian foreign policy. This notion of foreign policy 'doctrines' is not new to the analysis of Indian foreign policy. Previous incarnations include the 'Indira Doctrine' of the 1970s, the 'Gujral Doctrine' for a brief period in the late 1990s and the 'Manmohan Doctrine' in the period before Modi was elected as prime minister.This edited volume attempts to interrogate the extent to which Indian foreign policy, under Modi, has undergone significant change and the extent to which this manifests itself as a new doctrine in Indian foreign policy. The individual chapters cover key bilateral relationships (the United States, China, Australia and Pakistan) as well as broader regional relationships (South Asia and the Indian Ocean Region) and specific themes (such as economic diplomacy).

A sense of order has irreversibly retreated at the turn of the twenty-first century with the rise of such ancient civilizations as China and India and the militant resurgence of Islamic groups. The United States and like-minded states want to maintain the once-dominant international and global order buttressed by a set of mainly Western value systems and institutions. Nevertheless, challengers have sought to redraw the international and global order according to their own ideas and preferences, while selectively accommodating and taking advantage of the established order. Because of this, the entire world is teetering on the brink of an order war. This book is a synthesis of two separate bodies of thoughts, from Western and East Asian ideas and philosophies respectively. The authors deploy the major ideas of key Western and East Asian thinkers to shed a new light on their usefulness in understanding the transition of global order. They locate new ideas to overcome the contradictions of the late modern world and provide some ideational building blocks of a new global order. The new concepts proposed are: recognition between the great civilizations; a harmony and floating balance between and within contrasts-individual versus community, freedom versus equality-;and mediation between friends and foes. As the former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin put it, "you don't need to make peace with your friends, you have to make peace with your foes." The values of the West as well as that of the East cannot survive in a globalized world by taking them as absolute, but only by balancing them to those of the other great civilizations of the world.