Regional economic and political integration is not a new phenomenon. The marked growth of regionalism and regionalisation however, has been one of the most striking features of the global political economy in recent years. This edited book features a distinguished list of international contributors who provide a systematic and stimulating 'state of the art' discussion on regionalism and key issues such as sovereignty, autonomy, identity and the long-term effects of global financial crises.

Shaper Nations provides illuminating perspectives on the national strategies of eight emerging and established countries that are shaping global politics at the beginning of the twenty-first century. The volume's authors offer a unique viewpoint: they live and work primarily in the country about which they write, bringing an insider's feel for national debates and politics. The conventional wisdom on national strategy suggests that these states have clear central authority, coherently connect means to ends, and focus on their geopolitical environment. These essays suggest a different conclusion. In seven key countries-Brazil, China, Germany, India, Israel, Russia, and Turkey-strategy is dominated by nonstate threats, domestic politics, the distorting effect of history and national identity, economic development concerns, and the sheer difficulty, in the face of many powerful internal and external constraints, of pursuing an effective national strategy. The shapers represent a new trend in the international arena with important consequences. Among them is a more uncertain world in which countries concentrate on their own development rather than on shared problems that might divert precious resources, and attend more to regional than to global order. In responding to these shaper states, the United States must understand the sources of their national strategies in determining its own role on the global stage.

This book examines perceptions of the 'China Threat', and governments' policies in response to this perceived threat in a wide range of countries, including the United States, Russia, Europe, Japan, South Korea, Indonesia, Singapore, Malaysia, the Philippines, Vietnam, India, Pakistan, and countries in the Middle East. Perceptions of the Chinese themselves are also looked at, the current security concerns and policies of each country are examined in detail, especially the policy of engagement, and future prospects for relations with China are assessed.

The Cold War is over, yet many attitudes and analyses typical of the period persisted in the strategic thinking of the Great Powers. In this brilliantly original study, Simon Dalby uses the conceptual tools of geopolitical analysis to uncover the essence of American strategic discourse. Focussing on the period of the late 1970s, he shows how Washington pressure groups, political organisations and, in particular, the Committee on the Present Danger, recreated a language of confrontation that deeply influenced Western attitudes towards the Soviet Union in ways that continue to shape foreign policy.

Regional economic and political integration is not a new phenomenon. However, the marked growth of regionalism and regionalisation has been one of the most striking features of the global political economy in recent years. This edited book features a distinguished list of international contributors who provide a systematic and stimulating 'state of the art' discussion on regionalism and key issues such as sovereignty, autonomy, identity and the long-term effects of global financial crises.

This work explores the geopolitical struggles that are currently underway in the newly independent states of the Caucasus region, showing how many players in the region are coalescing into two opposing blocs. The growing political, military and economic ties amongst the countries of these two blocs stem from a number of developments in the region, most notably the fall of the Soviet Union, and consequently the end of the Cold War and its bi-polar global alliance structure. These blocs are competing for influence in the region, and the rights to exploit and transport the rich energy resources that have been found in the Caspian Sea. The text shows how many actors have been willing to co-operate in other non-energy related issues, in the hope of receiving a financial reward when countries do decide on these matters.

This work explores the geopolitical struggles that are currently underway in the newly independent states of the Caucasus region, showing how many players in the region are coalescing into two opposing blocs. The growing political, military and economic ties amongst the countries of these two blocs stem from a number of developments in the region, most notably the fall of the Soviet Union, and consequently the end of the Cold War and its bi-polar global alliance structure. These blocs are competing for influence in the region, and the rights to exploit and transport the rich energy resources that have been found in the Caspian Sea. The text shows how many actors have been willing to co-operate in other non-energy related issues, in the hope of receiving a financial reward when countries do decide on these matters.

Ethnic differences have the capacity to lead to deep tensions within states, tensions which frequently find expression in some form of inter-territorial conflict. One of the most characteristic approaches to resolve disputes of this kind, or at least to reduce their destructive capacities to a minimum, is to seek an accommodation between the competing groups through some form of territorial restructuring. The object of this book is to look at the manner in which states attempt to cope with ethnic conflict through such territoral approaches.

This volume identifies and evaluates the relationship between outer-space geography and geographic position (astrogeography), and the evolution of current and future military space strategy. In doing so, it explores five primary propositions. First, many classical geopolitical theories of military development are fully compatible with the realm of outer space. Second, how geographical position relates to new technology. Such evolution has developed through sea, rail and air power. Space power is the logical and apparent heir. Third, the special terrain of solar space dictates specific tactics and strategies for efficient exploitation of space resources. Fourth, the concept of space as a power base in classical, geopolitical thought will easily conform to the use of outer space as an ultimate national power base. Finally, a thorough understanding of the astromechanical and physical demarcations of outer space can prove useful to planners, and will prove critical to military strategists in the future. An optimum deployment of space assets will be essential on the current terrestrial and future-based battlefield.

Recent history has thrown up vivid examples of the renewed capacity of ethnic differences to lead to deep tensions within states, tensions which frequently find expression in some form of inter-territorial conflict. One of the most characteristic approaches to resolve disputes of this kind, or at least to reduce their destructive capacities to a minimum, is to seek an accommodation between the competing groups through some form of territorial restructuring. The object of this book is to look at the very topical issue of the manner in which states attempt to cope with ethnic conflict through such territorial approaches.

Three entirely new chapters Northern Ireland, South Africa, and Yugoslavia -- have been commissioned for the revised edition of this highly successful book Several other contributors have provided major revisions, and the editor has written a conclusion to bring the book up to date.

This volume identifies and evaluates the relationship between outer-space geography and geographic position (astrogeography), and the evolution of current and future military space strategy. In doing so, it explores five primary propositions. First, many classical geopolitical theories of military development are fully compatible with the realm of outer space. Second, how geographical position relates to new technology. Such evolution has developed through sea, rail and air power. Space power is the logical and apparent heir. Third, the special terrain of solar space dictates specific tactics and strategies for efficient exploitation of space resources. Fourth, the concept of space as a power base in classical, geopolitical thought will easily conform to the use of outer space as an ultimate national power base. Finally, a thorough understanding of the astromechanical and physical demarcations of outer space can prove useful to planners, and will prove critical to military strategists in the future. An optimum deployment of space assets will be essential on the current terrestrial and future-based battlefield.

Since 1898, the former communist countries of Eastern Europe have gained international prominence. The continuing socio-economic transition and the instability evident in areas like the Caucasus and Former Yugoslavia have drawn the western world into uneasy interactions with the region. At the same time, closer commercial and cultural contacts are providing opportunities for rewarding relationships which have now resulted in many of these countries joining the EU.This book provides detailed coverage of the transition from communism to a market economy. Covering the whole range of East Central European and former Soviet Union countries, it charts the diversity within the region, offering in-depth coverage of specific areas as well as a broad view of development across the region. The book is organised into three comprehensive sections: the historical, socio-economic and environmental. The socio-economic section considers the critical issues of restructuring to effect the transition from central planning to a market economy, while the historical material provides an essential context for the constraints and opportunities affecting the region. The environmental section places emphasis on results of environmental neglect inherited from communism as well as looking to the future implications of EU directives on the problems of biodiversity and pollution in the region.

Barack Obama's foreign policy has failed but the American strategic mind has not yet closed. In After Obama, Robert Singh examines how and why US influence has weakened and contributed to the erosion of the world America made, endangering international order and liberal values. A well-intentioned but naive strategy of engagement has encouraged US adversaries such as Russia, China and Iran to assert themselves while allowing Western alliances to fray. But, challenging claims of an inevitable American decline, Singh argues that US leadership is a matter of will as much as wallet. Despite partisan polarization at home and the rise of the rest abroad, Washington can renew American leadership and, through a New American Internationalism, pave a path to the restoration of global order. Timely and provocative, the book offers a powerful critique of the Obama Doctrine and a call for strategic resolution in place of 'leading from behind'.

This book is based on the assumption that great powers determine global politics and, in this instance, environmental politics. It addresses the approaches of both established and rising powers and their implications for the advancement of international climate negotiations. The new introduction looks at the key developments in this realm since 2013, examining the bilateral deals between China and the United States and the results of the UNFCCC's 21st Convention of the Parties (COP) convening at Paris in 2015. Two key features link the contributions of this volume: their underlying assumption that major powers are the central actors in determining global environmental politics; and their assessment of, and implications of, the approaches both of rising and established major powers for global climate norms. One key argument of this volume is that today's geopolitics are about who gets how much in the fiercely competitive race over the available 'carbon space'. The book concludes that prudently balancing power in the new century requires a fair sharing of burden among the existing and emerging powers. In light of such burden-sharing, pluralistic domestic politics as well as diverging normative beliefs and worldviews require consideration of different conditions, even if historical legacies of the industrialised world have increasingly been put into question as a political argument by the United States. This book is based on a special issue of the journal Climate Policy.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the impact of globalization have brought about changes not only to the territorial configuration sovereignty of states and their boundaries, but also to traditional notions of state, boundaries, sovereignty and social order.
These essays are a selection of the papers originally presented at the International Geographical Union conference on Geopolitics and Globalization in a Post-Modern World, held in Israel in 1998.
The first section focuses on the wider regional and geopolitical characteristics of global reordering, with an emphasis on Eastern Europe and South Asia.
The second section discusses the territorial reordering which is taking place at the level of the state as boundaries are redemarcated in line with ethno-territoral demands; as borders are transversed by the movement of peoples, information and finance; and as the lines of territorial demarcation are perceived not only in terms of their fixed characteristics but as part of a process through which regional and ethnic identities continue to be formed and reformed.
Each section ends with articles which focus on literature on geopolitics and boundaries.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the impact of globalization have brought about changes not only to the territorial configuration sovereignty of states and their boundaries, but also to traditional notions of state, boundaries, sovereignty and social order.
These essays are a selection of the papers originally presented at the International Geographical Union conference on Geopolitics and Globalization in a Post-Modern World, held in Israel in 1998.
The first section focuses on the wider regional and geopolitical characteristics of global reordering, with an emphasis on Eastern Europe and South Asia.
The second section discusses the territorial reordering which is taking place at the level of the state as boundaries are redemarcated in line with ethno-territoral demands; as borders are transversed by the movement of peoples, information and finance; and as the lines of territorial demarcation are perceived not only in terms of their fixed characteristics but as part of a process through which regional and ethnic identities continue to be formed and reformed.
Each section ends with articles which focus on literature on geopolitics and boundaries.

"An excellent collection of essays that illustrate how EU member states' wish to implement normatively inspired policies is confronted with the geopolitical realities of today's world. The authors succeed in presenting an even-handed account of the way in which the tensions between norms and geopolitics play out, as well as of the responses given by EU policy makers." -Wil Hout, International Institute of Social Studies, Erasmus University, the Netherlands The European Union (EU), while collectively constituting the world's largest development provider, has come under internal and external pressures over the past decade. This book argues that the EU's development policies are situated between the bloc's normative ideals and the global geopolitical realities in which it is embedded. In order to investigate these tensions, it asks how far the 'normative power' Europe concept exists in EU development policies, and how far it is recognizable in the EU's focus on human rights, the rule of law, and sustainability. In light of the tension in EU development policies between those ideals and the necessity to project neoliberal and geopolitical interests, how do receiving countries perceive the EU's development efforts? This volume, complete with contributions from academics from a wide range of disciplines based all around the globe, provides answers to these essential questions.

This book examines the strategic and economic logic behind the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) Regional Cooperation. According to estimates, BCIM covers approximately 9 percent of the world's mass and 40 percent of the world's population spanning across four countries, constituting the confluence of East, Southeast and South Asia. It contributes about 13 percent to world trade but ironically only 5 percent to inter-regional trade. This volume compares the various approaches to cooperation - trade-led vs project-led, geo-political vs geo-strategic, Sino-centric vs India-led. The chapters explore the complex interplay of geo-economics and geo-politics associated with BCIM sub-regional cooperation in general, and the BCIM Economic Corridor (BCIM-EC) in particular. It points to the current challenges that impede globalisation and economic growth, and critically reviews implications for the stakeholders, institutional frameworks and the spatial impact of the Corridor, especially on the underdeveloped regions. The book discusses the geo-political, geo-economic and geo-strategic advantages that will accrue to the member countries once the sub-regional cooperation becomes fully functional. It advocates the adoption of best practices from similar sub-regional groupings across the globe. This book will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of politics and international relations, geo-politics, strategic studies, sub-regional cooperation, South Asian studies, India-China relations, foreign trade and economics, besides those dealing with foreign policy and development cooperation. It will especially benefit policymakers, development agencies and strategic think tanks.

This volume discusses the entry of Greece and Turkey to NATO in 1952 from the perspective of history and international relations. The chapters were originally collected in 2012 to mark the occasion of the sixtieth anniversary of the accession of the two states to NATO. The focus is not on the diplomatic/political events that led to the accession (a subject which has already been extensively discussed in the available bibliography), but expands on a reassessment of this event for the two states as well as for the Balkans, covering aspects of the wider post-war period and providing perspectives for the policies of Turkey, Greece and NATO until the present day. This book was originally published as a special issue of Southeast European and Black Sea Studies.

The essays here address the relationship between economic interdependence and international conflict, the political economy of economic sanctions, and the role of economic incentives in international statecraft.

An FT SUMMER READ 2020 The forces of globalization have transformed the world economically, but in the West politics is becoming increasingly fractured as living standards stagnate for all but the very wealthy. As a result, alienation and nationalism are on the rise. China, in the meantime, has become the most powerful economy in the world from the same forces of globalization which have imprisoned the west. Here, Grzegorz W. Kolodko parses the economic system in China and brings his uniquely clear and far sighted analysis to bear on the global economy. Through a qualitative and extensive quantitative economic analysis of the global economy, and it's tilt towards Asia, Kolodko offers prescriptions on how the west can learn from China's approach, and make globalization work for citizens once more. An essential book for scholars and students of political economy, from one of the West's most authoritative scholars and practitioners. Translated by Joanna Luczak

Shakespeare's plays have been adapted or rewritten in various, often surprising, ways since the 17th century. This anthology brings together 13 theatrical adaptations of Shakespeare's work from around the world and across the centuries. The plays include: "The Woman Prized or the Tamer Tamed" by John Fletcher; "Troilus and Cressida or Truth Found Too Late: a Tragedy" by John Dryden; "The History of King Lear" by Nahum Tate; "King Stephen: a Fragment of a Tragedy"; "The Public (El Publico)" by Federico Garcia Lorca; "The Resistible Rise of Arturo Ui" by Bertolt Brecht; "uMabatha" by Welcome Msomi; "Measure for Measure" by Charles Marowitz; "Hamletmachine" by Heiner Muller; "Lear's Daughter" by The Women's Theatre Group and Elaine Feinstein; "Desdemona: A Play About a Handkerchief" by Paula Vogel; "This Island's Mine" by Philip Osment; and "Harlem Duet" by Djanet Sears. Each play is introduced by a concise introduction with suggestions for further reading and a list of related adaptations for study.;The collection is prefaced by a general introduction, which offers an examination of issues related to theatrical adaptation and the rewriting of Shakespeare.

Condemned as an intellectual poison by the late American geographer Richard Hartshbornem, geopolitics has confounded its critics. Today it remains a popular intellectual field despite the persistent allegations that geopolitics helped to legitimate Hitler's policies of spatial expansionism and the domination of place. Using insights from critical geopolitics and cultural history, the contributors focus on how geopolitics has been created, negotiated and contested within a variety of intellectual and popular contexts. It argues that geopolitics has to take responsibility for the past whilst at the same time reconceptualizing geopolitics in a manner which accounts for the dramatic changes in the late 20th century. The book is divided into three sections: firstly "Rethinking Geopolitical Histories" concentrates on how geopolitical conversations between European scholars and the wider world unfolded; secondly "Geopolitics, Nation and Spirituality" considers how geopolitical writings have been strongly influenced by religions, iconography and doctrine with examples drawn from Catholicicsm, Judaism and Hinduism; and thirdly "Reclaiming and Refocusing Geopolitics" contemplates how geopoli

Controls on the export of military and dual-use items were fundamental to international efforts to constrain Soviet military capabilities during the Cold War. While essential to combating the proliferation of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons, these controls also impose severe costs on national economies. Also, conflicts over export control policies often mar relations between the executive and legislative branches of government as well as between the United States and other countries. "Reluctant Champions" explores how and why the United States came to adopt its export policies by examining the administrations of four presidents: Truman, Eisenhower, Bush, and Clinton. Relevant and timely in light of recent U.S. sanctions on Russian nuclear insitutions Solidly researched Includes personal interviews with officials from Bush and Clinton administrations